The historical period in which Machiavelli lived. Italian philosopher Machiavelli Niccolo: biography, books, quotes. The role of personality in history

Spouse Marietta di Luigi Corsini Children Piero Macchiavelli[d], Bartolomea Macciavelli[d], Bernardo Macciavelli[d], Ludovico Macciavelli[d] and Guido Machiavelli[d] Autograph Niccolo Machiavelli at Wikimedia Commons

Niccolo Machiavelli(Machiavelli, Italian. Niccolò di Bernardo dei Machiavelli; May 3, 1469, Florence - June 22, 1527, ibid) - Italian thinker, philosopher, writer, politician - held several positions in Florence, the most significant - the post of secretary of the second office, was responsible for the diplomatic relations of the republic, the author of military-theoretical works. He acted as a supporter of strong state power, for the strengthening of which he allowed the use of any means, which he expressed in the book The Sovereign, which glorified him, published in 1532, which went through many editions and was ambiguously interpreted many times.

Biography

He became interested in politics from his youth, as evidenced by a letter dated March 9, 1498, the second that has come down to us, in which he addresses his friend Ricardo Becky, the Florentine ambassador in Rome, with a critical description of the actions of Girolamo Savonarola. The first surviving letter, dated December 2, 1497, was addressed to Cardinal Giovanni Lopez (Italian)Russian, with a request to recognize the disputed lands of the Pazzi family for his family.

Niccolo Machiavelli. Artist Santi di Tito

Carier start

In the life of Niccolo Machiavelli, two stages can be distinguished: during the first part of his life, he is mainly involved in public affairs. From 1512, the second stage begins, marked by the forced removal of Machiavelli from active politics.

Machiavelli lived in a turbulent era, when the Pope could have an entire army, and the wealthy city-states of Italy fell one by one under the rule of foreign states - France, Spain or the Holy Roman Empire. It was a time of constant changes in alliances, mercenaries who went over to the side of the enemy without warning, when power, having existed for several weeks, collapsed and was replaced by a new one. Perhaps the most significant event in the series of these erratic upheavals was the fall of Rome in 1527. Wealthy cities like Genoa suffered much the same as Rome did five centuries ago when it was burned down by the barbarian Germanic army.

In 1494 the French King Charles VIII entered Italy and reached Florence in November. The young Piero di Lorenzo de' Medici, whose family ruled the city for almost 60 years, hurriedly set off for the royal camp, achieving, however, only the signing of a humiliating peace treaty, the surrender of several key fortresses and the payment of a huge indemnity. Piero had no legal authority to make such an agreement, still less without the sanction of the Signoria. He was expelled from Florence by the indignant people, and his house was plundered.

The monk Savonarola was placed at the head of the new embassy to the French king. During this troubled time, Savonarola became the true master of Florence. Under his influence, the Florentine Republic was restored in 1494, and republican institutions were also returned. At the suggestion of Savonarola, the "Great Council" and the "Council of Eighty" were established.

After the execution of Savonarola, Machiavelli was again re-elected to the Council of Eighty, responsible for diplomatic negotiations and military affairs, already thanks to the authoritative recommendation of the Prime Secretary of the Republic, Marcello Adriani (Italian)Russian, a well-known humanist who was his teacher.

Theoretically, the First Chancellery of the Florentine Republic was in charge of foreign affairs, and the Second Chancellery was in charge of internal affairs and the city militia. But in practice, such a distinction turned out to be very arbitrary, and often the one who had the best chance of succeeding through connections, influence or abilities decided things.

Between 1499 and 1512, on behalf of the government, he undertook many diplomatic missions to the court of Louis XII of France, Ferdinand II, and to the Papal Court in Rome.

At that time, Italy was fragmented into a dozen states, in addition, the wars of France and the Holy Roman Empire for the Kingdom of Naples began. Wars then were fought by mercenary armies and Florence had to maneuver between strong rivals, and the role of ambassador often fell out of Machiavelli. In addition, the siege of the insurgent Pisa took a lot of time and effort from the government of Florence and its plenipotentiary to the army, Niccolo Machiavelli.

On January 14, 1501, Machiavelli was able to return to Florence again. He reached a respectable, by Florentine standards, age - he was thirty-two years old, he held a position that provided him with a high position in society and decent earnings. And in August of the same year, Niccolo married a lady from an old and illustrious family - Marietta, daughter of Luigi Corsini.

The Corsini family occupied a higher rung in the social hierarchy than the Machiavelli branch to which Niccolò belonged. On the one hand, kinship with Corsini raised Niccolò higher up the social ladder, and on the other hand, Marietta's family could benefit from Machiavelli's political connections.

Niccolo felt deep sympathy for his wife, they had five children. Over the years, thanks to daily efforts and cohabitation, both in sorrow and in joy, their marriage, concluded for the sake of social convention, turned into love and trust. Remarkably, both in the first will of 1512 and in the last will of 1523, Niccolo chose his wife as the guardian of his children, although male relatives were often appointed.

Being on diplomatic business abroad for a long period, Machiavelli usually started relationships with other women.

Influence of Cesare Borgia

From 1502 to 1503, he witnessed the effective wars of conquest by Cesare Borgia, son of Pope Alexander VI, an extremely capable military commander and statesman whose goal at the time was to expand his dominions in central Italy. Cesare was always bold, prudent, self-confident, firm, and sometimes cruel.

In June 1502, the victorious army of Borgia, clanging their weapons, approached the borders of Florence. The frightened republic immediately sent ambassadors to him for negotiations - Francesco Soderini, Bishop of Volterra, and Secretary of the Ten Niccolò Machiavelli. On 24 June they were brought before the Borgia. in a report to the government, Niccolò noted:

“This sovereign is beautiful, majestic and so militant that any great undertaking is a trifle for him. He does not let up if he longs for glory or new conquests, just as he knows neither weariness nor fear. ..and also won the unfailing favor of Fortune" .

In one of his early works [ ] Machiavelli noted:

Borgia has one of the most important attributes of a great man: he is a skilled adventurer and knows how to use the chance that has fallen to him to the greatest advantage for himself.

Gravestone of Niccolo Machiavelli

The months spent in the company of Cesare Borgia, served as an impetus for Machiavelli's understanding of the ideas of "mastery of government, independent of moral principles", which were subsequently reflected in the treatise "The Emperor". Apparently, due to a very close relationship with "Lady Luck", Cesare was very intriguing to Niccolò.

Machiavelli constantly in his speeches and reports criticized the "soldiers of fortune", calling them treacherous, cowardly and greedy. Niccolò wanted to play down the role of the mercenaries in order to defend his proposal for a regular army that the Republic could easily control. Having its own army would allow Florence not to depend on mercenaries and French help. From Machiavelli's letter:

“The only way to gain power and strength is to pass a law that would govern the army being created and keep it in proper order. ».

In December 1505, the Ten finally commissioned Machiavelli to start creating a militia. And on February 15, a select detachment of militia pikemen paraded through the streets of Florence to the enthusiastic exclamations of the crowd; all the soldiers were in well-fitting red and white (the colors of the city's flag) uniform, "in cuirasses, armed with pikes and arquebuses." Florence has its own army.

Machiavelli became an "armed prophet".

"That is why all the armed prophets won, and all the unarmed perished, for, in addition to what has been said, it should be borne in mind that the temper of people is fickle, and if it is easy to convert them to your faith, then it is difficult to keep them in it. Therefore, you need to be prepared by force make believe those who have lost faith". Niccolo Machiavelli. Sovereign

In the future, Machiavelli was an envoy to Louis XII, Maximilian I of Habsburg, inspected fortresses, and even managed to create cavalry in the Florentine militia. He accepted the surrender of Pisa and put his signature under the surrender agreement.

When the Florentine people, having learned about the fall of Pisa, indulged in jubilation, Niccolò received a letter from his friend Agostino Vespucci: “You have done an impeccable job with your army and helped bring closer the time when Florence regained its rightful possession.”

Filippo Casavecchia, who never doubted Niccolo's abilities, wrote: “I do not believe that idiots will comprehend the course of your thoughts, while there are few wise ones, and they are not often found. Every day I come to the conclusion that you surpass even those prophets that were born among the Jews and other nations.

Return of the Medici to Florence

Machiavelli was not dismissed by the new rulers of the city. But he made several mistakes, continuing to constantly express his thoughts on topical issues. Although no one asked him and his opinion was very different from the domestic policy pursued by the new authorities. He opposed the return of property to the returned Medici, offering to pay them simply compensation, and the next time in the appeal "To Palleschi" (II Ricordo ag Palleschi), he urged the Medici not to trust those who defected to their side after the fall of the republic.

Opala, return to service and resignation again

Machiavelli fell into disgrace, and in 1513 he was accused of conspiring against the Medici and arrested. Despite the severity of his imprisonment and torture on the rack, he denied any involvement and was eventually released under an amnesty. He retired to his estate at Sant'Andrea in Percussina near Florence and began to write books that secured his place in the history of political philosophy.

From a letter to Niccolo Machiavelli:

I get up at sunrise and go to the grove to look at the work of woodcutters cutting down my forest, from there I follow the stream, and then to the bird current. I go with a book in my pocket, either with Dante and Petrarch, or with Tibull and Ovid. Then I go to an inn on the high road. There it is interesting to talk with people passing by, to learn about the news in foreign lands and at home, to observe how different the tastes and fantasies of people are. When the dinner hour comes, I sit with my family at a modest meal. After dinner, I return again to the inn, where its owner, the butcher, the miller, and two bricklayers usually already gathered. With them I spend the rest of the day playing cards...

When evening comes, I return home and go to my workroom. At the door, I throw off my peasant dress, all covered in mud and slush, put on royal court clothes and, dressed in a worthy manner, I go to the ancient courts of the people of antiquity. There, graciously received by them, I satiate myself with the only food suitable for me, and for which I was born. There I do not hesitate to talk to them and ask about the meaning of their deeds, and they, in their inherent humanity, answer me. And for four hours I do not feel any anguish, I forget all worries, I am not afraid of poverty, I am not afraid of death, and I am all transferred to them.

In November 1520 he was called to Florence and received the post of historiographer. Wrote "History of Florence" in the years 1520-1525. He wrote several plays - "Klitsia", "Belfagor", "Mandragora" - which were staged with great success.

He carried out separate diplomatic missions for the pontiff, and was finally able to get a position when the Habsburgs began to threaten Florence. On April 3, Machiavelli received a letter from Francesco Guicciardini on behalf of the pope, instructing him to go with the famous engineer and then military architect Pedro Navarro, a former siege specialist, defector and pirate, to inspect the walls of Florence and prepare for a possible siege of the city. The choice fell on Niccolo, since he was considered an expert in military affairs: the seventh chapter of his treatise "On the Art of War" was separately devoted to the sieges of cities - and, according to generally accepted opinion, was the best in the whole book. Played a role and the support of Guicciardini and Strozzi, both talked about it with the pontiff.

• On May 9, 1526, by order of Clement VII, the Council of the Hundred decided to establish a new body in the government of Florence - the College of Five for the strengthening of the walls (Procuratori delleMura), of which Niccolò Machiavelli became secretary.

But Machiavelli's hopes for the stability of his returned career were deceived. In 1527, after Rome was sacked, which once again showed the full extent of the fall of Italy, republican rule was restored in Florence, which lasted three years. Machiavelli's hopes to get the position of secretary of the College of Ten again did not come true. The new government did not notice him.

The spirit of Machiavelli was broken, his health was undermined, and after 10 days the life of the thinker ended on June 22, 1527 in San Casciano, a few kilometers from Florence. The location of his grave is unknown; however, a cenotaph in his honor is in the Church of Santa Croce in Florence. The inscription is engraved on the monument: No epitaph can express all the greatness of this name.

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Not shy about words

The Florentine Republic, which Machiavelli found shortly before his death, lasted only three years. The combined forces of the empire and the papacy approached Florence. The city was heroically defended during the ten-month siege, which lasted from October 1529 to August 1530, thanks to reinforced defensive fortifications - to which Machiavelli also has a merit - and a revived militia, albeit with significant support from mercenaries.

The Prince, published in 1532, is the most controversial, but certainly significant work of the Florentine Renaissance statesman Niccolò Machiavelli

The last tribute to the memory of Machiavelli, in many ways contributing to his denigration, is associated with his friends and relatives, who donated funds for the posthumous publication of The Emperor. The printer Antonio Blado published a treatise in 1532 with the permission of the pontiff, adding a dedication he himself composed, praising the political insight of Machiavelli. In the same year, the second edition of the book was published in Florence.

In subsequent years, decades and centuries, the book was subjected to numerous attacks by enemies (Innocent Gentille, Antonio Possevino, King Frederick II of Prussia) and protection of admirers (Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Pope Pius VI, Grand Duke of Tuscany Leopold II, Roberto Ridolfi) of Niccolo Machiavelli's talent.

Machiavelli would hardly have been delighted by the fame that "The Emperor" brought him, and even during his lifetime he tried to make critical remarks. At one time, when he was scolded for how despots appeared in one or another of his books, he sarcastically replied: “I taught sovereigns to become tyrants, and subjects to get rid of them.”

Despite the fact that during the life of Machiavelli his main "project" - the people's militia - failed, the rulers of the Medici family after 1530 would develop Niccolò's ideas and form a reliable draft army that guaranteed everyone who wished to join it tax, legal and political benefits and privileges and guided by an effective system of civilian control. And the militia of Florence will successfully serve another 200 years.

The Sovereign and the Discourses were written for a very peculiar ruler, which cannot be neglected in any way, explaining the inconsistency of Machiavelli's thinking. A high opinion of his own talents, coupled with a rather harsh manner of expressing his opinion, brought Niccolò Machiavelli a lot of trouble.

Alas, Machiavelli managed to return to politics only thanks to the assistance of powerful patrons, who not only enjoyed his company and wit, but also appreciated his talents. Much better than later authors, they understood all the inherent weaknesses and flaws of Machiavelli, they put up with them, at times laughed at his escapades, considering him, first of all, not a genius in politics or literature, but simply an intelligent, educated, cheerful and entertaining person, a Florentine to the brain bones.

Worldview and ideas

Historically, Niccolo Machiavelli is usually portrayed as a subtle cynic, who believes that political behavior is based on profit and power, and that politics should be based on power, and not on morality, which can be neglected if there is a good goal.

However, in his works, Machiavelli shows that it is most beneficial for a ruler to rely on the people, for which it is necessary to respect their freedoms and take care of their well-being. Dishonesty he allows only in relation to enemies, and cruelty - only to rebels, whose activities can lead to more damage.

Niccolo Machiavelli

In the works "Sovereign" and "Reasonings on the first decade of Titus Livius" Machiavelli considers the state as political state of society: the relationship of those in power and subject, the presence of an appropriately arranged, organized political power, institutions, laws.

Machiavelli calls politics "experimental science" which clarifies the past, guides the present and is able to predict the future.

Machiavelli is one of the few Renaissance figures who, in his works, raised the question of the role of the personality of the ruler. He believed, based on the realities of contemporary Italy, which suffered from feudal fragmentation, that a strong, albeit devoid of remorse, sovereign at the head of a single country is better than rival appanage rulers. Thus, Machiavelli raised in philosophy and history the question of the relationship between moral norms and political expediency.

The most famous attempt at a literary refutation of Machiavelli was Frederick the Great's Antimachiavelli, written in 1740. Friedrich wrote: I now dare to defend humanity from the monster that wants to destroy it; armed with reason and justice, I dare to challenge sophistry and crime; and I present my thoughts on Machiavelli's "Prince" - chapter by chapter - so that after taking the poison, the antidote can also be found immediately..

The writings of Machiavelli testified to the beginning of a new era in the development of the political philosophy of the West: reflections on the problems of politics, according to Machiavelli, should have ceased to be regulated by theological norms or axioms of morality. This was the end of the philosophy of blessed Augustine: all the ideas and all the activities of Machiavelli were created in the name of the City of Man, and not the City of God. Politics has already established itself as an independent object of study - the art of creating and strengthening the institution of state power.

However, some modern historians believe that in fact Machiavelli professed traditional values, and in his work The Sovereign nothing more than simply ridiculed despotism in satirical tones. Thus, the historian Garrett Mattingly writes in his article: “The assertion that this little book [“The Prince”] was a serious scientific treatise on public administration contradicts everything that we know about the life of Machiavelli, his writings and his era” .

With all this, the works of Machiavelli became one of the most significant events and only in the 16th-18th centuries influenced the works of B. Spinoza, F. Bacon, D. Hume, M. Montaigne, R. Descartes, Sh-L. Montesquieu, Voltaire, D. Diderot, P. Holbach, J. Bodin, G.-B. Mably , P. Bayle and many others .

Quotes

Image in culture

In fiction

• TV movie "The Life of Leonardo da Vinci" (Spain, Italy. 1971). The role is played by Enrico Osterman;
• TV movie "Borgia" (Great Britain. 1981). The role is played by Sam Dastor;
• documentary-feature film "The True Story of Niccolò Machiavelli / Niccolò Machiavelli" (Italy, 2011), dir. Alessandra Gigante / Alessandra Gigante, in Ch. the role of Vito Di Bella / Vito Di Bella;
• series "Young Leonardo" (UK. 2011-2012). The role is played by Akemnji Ndifernyan;
• series "Borgia" (Canada, Hungary, Ireland. 2011-2013). The role is played by Julian Bleach;
• series "Borgia" (France, Germany, Czech Republic, Italy. 2011-2014). The role is played by Thibault Evrard;
• series "Da Vinci's Demons" (USA. 2013-2015). The role is played by Eros Vlachos;
• film "Niccolò Machiavelli - Prince of Politics" (Italy. 2017). Romeo Salvetti and Jean-Marc Barr starred in the role.

In gaming culture

Compositions

• Reasoning:
  • "Sovereign" ( Il Principe);
  • "Discourses on the first decade of Titus Livius" ( Discorsi sopra la prima deca di Tito Livio) (first edition - 1531);
  • Discorso sopra le cose di Pisa (1499);
  • "On how to deal with the rebellious inhabitants of Valdikiana" ( Del modo di trattare i popoli della Valdichiana ribellati) (1502);
  • "Description of how Duke Valentino got rid of Vitellozzo Vitelli, Oliveretto Da Fermo, Signor Paolo and Duke Gravina Orsini" ( Del modo tenuto dal duca Valentino nell' ammazzare Vitellozzo Vitelli, Oliverotto da Fermo, etc.)(1502);
  • Discorso sopra la provisione del danaro (1502);
  • Discorso sopra il riformare lo stato di Firenze (1520).
• Dialogues:
  • Della lingua (1514).
• Lyrics:
  • Poem Decennale primo (1506);
  • Poem Decennale secondo (1509);
  • Asino d'oro (1517), verse arrangement of The Golden Ass.
• Biographies:
  • "The Life of Castruccio Castracani of Lucca" ( Vita di Castruccio Castracani da Lucca) (1520).
• Other:
  • Ritratti delle cose dell' Alemagna (1508-1512);
  • Ritratti delle cose di Francia (1510);
  • "On the art of war" (1519-1520);
  • Sommario delle cose della citta di Lucca (1520);
  • History of Florence (1520-1525), multi-volume history of Florence;
  • Frammenti storici (1525).
• Plays:
  • Andria (1517) - translation of the comedy Terence;
  • La Mandragola, comedy (1518);
  • Clizia (1525), comedy in prose.
• Novels:
  • Belfagor arcidiavolo (1515).

"Sovereign"

The little treatise on which Machiavelli placed his last hope of earning the favor of the Medici would become his most famous work in the coming ages and secure the author's label as a villain.

Nesterova I.A. Niccolo Machiavelli // Encyclopedia of the Nesterovs

The study of the works of Machiavelli is very important at the present stage of development of history and political science. It will allow a deeper understanding of modern historical processes.

Machiavelli and the Renaissance

Niccolò Machiavelli was one of the most famous thinkers of the Renaissance. At that time, man had not yet become a slave to consumption. During the Renaissance, the imperatives of profit and ruthless competition weighed heavily on people.

Niccolo Machiavelli lived in an extraordinary age, an age of change and complex conflicts. No wonder the turn of the XV - XVI centuries is considered one of the first European times of crisis. It was then that Italy, losing four hundred years of dominance, froze in its development, absorbed by the public and social crisis.

The Renaissance is characterized by the emergence of a new branch of culture, namely science, ambivalent in relation to morality. It should be noted that it was Nicolo Machiavelli who first separated politics from morality. By politics, he understood the technology of power. Machiavelli replaced ethics with a value-neutral knowledge of the structure of power. "Thus, he laid the foundation for political science as an instrumental knowledge, built on the model of the exact sciences ... The bold precedent of Machiavelli still captivates those who develop political theory in its instrumental-applied dimension" . Machiavelli made the retention of power the main theme of his studies.

Features of Machiavelli's view of history

Machiavelli's views on the historical process were characterized by the idea of ​​cyclicality, a regular change in state forms. In his opinion, not abstract theoretical calculations, but the actual experience of history itself reveals certain rules, principles for the alternation of these forms. The monarchy, as he shows in many examples, is replaced by an oligarchy, which is replaced by a republic, which in turn gives way to one-man rule - such is the cycle of state evolution among most peoples. At the heart of this cyclicality lies the struggle of contradictions and interests, the conflicts of small and large groups, the "immutable course of events" that is constantly inherent in the life of society. Machiavelli first drew attention to the importance of comprehending the dialectics of the historical process.

Of particular interest is the work of Nicolo Macchiavelli "The Emperor". It was he who dedicated the controversial and iconic historical figure of the Renaissance, Lorenzo de' Medici. In the example of "The Sovereign" one can trace the tendency to use history in order to reinforce, with the help of examples, the maxims of political action that he formulated based on his own experience.

In his philosophy, Nicolo Machiavelli creates the following order of "historical rhythm".

1. At the beginning of the world, when the inhabitants were few, they lived scattered, like animals; afterwards, when their generation multiplied, they united in order to better defend themselves, chose from their midst the strongest and most brave, made him their leader and began to obey him. From this arose the knowledge of the difference between useful and good, harmful and vile.
2. But since the leaders became hereditary, and not elected, the sovereigns immediately began to degenerate, they became hated and cowardly, and from fear they turned to oppression, and tyranny arose.
3. From here came the fall of sovereigns, plans and conspiracies against them.
4. The leaders lead the crowd, management is in accordance with the common benefit, but when power passes to the sons, "who did not know the vicissitudes of fate, who did not experience misfortune and did not want to be content with civil equality," then "they turned aristocratic rule into an oligarchy, trampling on the rights of citizens.
5. With the new leader, "People's government" was introduced, which brought citizens to "complete debauchery".

According to Niccolo Machiavelli, people who in history remain true to themselves and their ideals are comparable to "God's Creatures" and general moral criteria do not apply to them. For such people, their individual actions are subject to evaluation. Machiavelli separates the act from the individual, separates politics from morality, completely freeing it. If we consider the works of Machiavelli under the prism of history, then it is striking that circumstances can be created by a person, but an act is a topos of prudent correlation of "behavior" and "time": "the reason for the happiness or unhappiness of people is whether their behavior corresponds to time or No".

According to Niccolo Machiavelli, a number of factors determine the historical process. They are shown in the figure below.

Factors of the historical process in Machiavelli's concept of cyclism

According to Machiavelli, any historical event is not unique, for a number of reasons. First of all, due to the fact that the movement of history is not a straight line, but a sinusoid "all human affairs ... go either up or down" (Reasoning. 1. IV). The philosopher calls the second reason the fact that human nature is an unchanging constant. “Studying the events of the present and past times,” writes Machiavelli, “we find that in all states and among all peoples the same aspirations and passions existed and exist. Therefore, it is not difficult to draw a conclusion from a careful study of past events about what is to come in in the future, or resort to those means that were used by the ancients. In cases where there are no examples of the necessary means in the past, new ones can be invented, guided by the similarity of circumstances. However, the same troubles are repeated at all times, because historical considerations are neglected, readers history is not able to draw conclusions from it, or the conclusions remain unknown to the rulers "(Reasoning. 1.XXIX).

Being a person who appreciates history, Machiavelli noted that there are no borders between modernity and history. One smoothly flows into the other, while giving the opportunity to learn the laws of politics. However, the story reflected on paper is then valuable when it is true. Not to embellish the truth, but to look for "the real, not the imaginary truth of things" (Sovereign. XV) - this is the task that Niccolò Machiavelli set for himself. Based on this, it can be argued that the truth for Machiavelli is a price in itself and it is not the joy of knowledge that attracts him, but precisely the truth.

Niccolo Machiavelli on the problem of creating a unified nation-state

Politics and morality are extremely important for social life and are its regulator. They have a direct impact on the formation of the social environment, which in turn affects the level of moral development of a person.

Niccolo Machiavelli perceived the state as the implementer of state policy. He introduced the following thesis into political practice: "The end justifies the means." This phrase by Niccolo Machiavelli implies that any act can be justified by a good purpose. The philosopher wrote that the actions of any ruler should be evaluated not from the point of view of morality, but from the point of view of results aimed at the good of the state. And since the latter is, according to Niccolo Machiavelli, the unification of people to achieve specific goals, no matter how they are achieved.

Politics and morality intersect. Morality is characterized as follows: "a set of norms and principles of people's behavior in relation to society and other people ...".

Studying the past and present, Niccolò Machiavelli noted that for centuries politics and morality have been mercilessly arguing, which shows the place of these concepts in the evolution of society and man.

At present, the work "The Prince" by Niccolo Machiavelli is being actively studied by modern political scientists and philosophers. Machiavelli's contemporaries did not consider the work of the philosopher "The Emperor" monumental, filled with theses and axioms. For them, it was more of an expression of the author's personal opinion.

When Nicollo Machiavelli lived, he could give only a few examples from political life that confirm his thesis. Niccolo Machiavelli dreamed of seeing Italy united. In the chapter of his famous book The Sovereign, he writes: "How to avoid hatred and contempt" Machiavelli, analyzing the mode of action of the Roman emperors, comes to the conclusion that the emperors "soft and merciful" and distinguished by "extreme cruelty" suffered the same fate. There are only two exceptions: of the merciful, Marcus Aurelius died of his own death, and of the cruel, Severus, all the rest died a violent death. This happened because the actions of Mark and Severus, being different, coincided with the requirements of the time, the mode of action of the rest contradicted them. The ideal reforming sovereign should not imitate anyone alone, but should be able to act both like Mark and like Severus. Here is what Machiavelli writes: "... the new sovereign in the new state should neither imitate Mark nor be like the North, but should borrow from the North that which is essential for founding a new state, and from Mark the best and most worthy to preserve the state, which has already acquired both stability and strength. From this we can conclude that the ideal of Machiavelli is the North, turning into Mark simultaneously with the growth of virtue among the people.

But since in Italy a new order has yet to be created, it is worth counting, first of all, on strength. And Machiavelli did not see anything wrong with this - all the founders of new states did this. For Italian reality, what Machiavelli said was of particular importance, because the people were corrupted to such an extent that they could no longer distinguish evil from good, and therefore the sovereign had to rely on fear and cruelty. To fear - because "they love the sovereign at their own discretion, but they are afraid at the discretion of the sovereign, therefore it is better for a wise ruler to rely on what depends on him, and not on someone else."

One of the important provisions of the work "The Sovereign" is the idea that the sovereign needs the ability to be cruel, because often correctly carried out cruel measures bring more benefit to the people than seemingly merciful ones.

The only thing that a sovereign must avoid is the hatred and contempt of the people. Hatred of the sovereign is aroused by "predation and encroachment on the good and women of his subjects", and contempt - "inconstancy, frivolity, variability, cowardice and indecision."

It cannot be accepted that Italy should be united by a cruel man. This is not entirely true. However, the circumstances are too strong. In the conditions of that time, a cruel ruler is good. After all, "the distance between how people live and how they should live is so great that the one who rejects the real for the sake of what is due, acts more to his detriment than to his good, because, wanting to confess good in all cases of life, he inevitably will perish when faced with a multitude of people who are alien to good." But the sovereign is obliged to survive, to survive for the sake of the fatherland, and for this he must be able to be both a man and a beast. As a person, he relies on laws, and as a beast, he combines the qualities of a fox and a lion: cunning and strength.

Combining the above, it is important to note that according to the work of Machiavelli "The Sovereign", the ideal ruler-reformer is a hypocrite. He plays the role that is given by circumstances, but you never deviate from the main goal - the creation of a single state.

Describing the deeds of the Duke of Borgia, Machiavelli did not find anything to reproach him with. The fact is that Borgia was a brilliant tactician of political struggle. He knew how to protect himself from enemies, gain friends, use strength and cunning, inspire the people with fear and love, show both severity and mercy, generosity and generosity. But the most important advantage of Borgia was that his actions objectively led to the unification of the country and, ultimately, to the good of the people, because before its conquest, Romagna "was under the rule of insignificant rulers who did not so much care about their subjects as robbed them and directed not to agreement, but to strife, so that the whole region was exhausted from robberies, strife and lawlessness.

In conclusion, it is important to note that the theory of the state by Niccolo Machiavelli is based on the centuries-old experience of the existence of the institution of the state and on the analysis of historical facts, the historical fate of the states of antiquity.

As a result, his writings determined the leading role of Machiavelli in the Renaissance science of the state. As a political thinker, he revolutionized the established tradition, making the doctrine of the state consistently secular, freeing it from official church morality. He brought politics closer to science and art based on the study of reality itself and the rejection of its idealization. Machiavelli built a theory that generalizes not imaginary, but real concrete state experience.

Evaluation of historical events in Italy Niccolo Machiavelli

The works of Machiavelli are reflections of the era in which the philosopher lived. Niccolo Machiavelli lived during a period of serious conflicts based on the following contradictions:

1. the need to develop the city-state of Florence,
2. internal strife between the Italian states and the papacy
3. within Europe, trade competition flourished, in addition, the scattered participation of the Italian republics in big European politics interfered.

It is important to note that Machiavelli wrote his work at a difficult time for Italy, when it ceased to be a state. Inside the country there was an irreconcilable struggle between all sovereign parts. Italy ceased to be united, but became a weak unity of mini-states squabbling among themselves, in which monarchies were established.

Nicolo Machiavelli was very worried about the fate of Italy. All his experiences are reflected in his literary works. So, the main themes of the "History of Florence":

1. the need for common consent to strengthen the state
2. inevitable decomposition of the state with the growth of political strife.

Machiavelli cites the facts described in the historical chronicles, but seeks to reveal the true causes of historical events, rooted in the psychology of specific people and the conflict of class interests; he needed history in order to learn lessons that he believed would be useful for all time. Machiavelli, apparently, was the first to propose the concept of historical cycles.

The "History of Florence", characterized by dramatic narrative, tells the history of the city-state from the birth of the Italian medieval civilization to the beginning of the French invasions at the end of the 15th century. This work is imbued with the spirit of patriotism and determination to find rational, and not supernatural, causes of historical events. However, the author belongs to his time, and references to signs and wonders can be found in this work.

Machiavelli's correspondence is of extraordinary value; especially interesting are the letters he wrote to his friend Francesco Vettori, mainly in 1513-1514, when he was in Rome. You can find everything in these letters - from descriptions of the minutiae of domestic life to obscene anecdotes and political analysis. The most famous letter is dated December 10, 1513, which depicts an ordinary day in the life of Machiavelli and gives an invaluable explanation of how the idea of ​​​​the Sovereign appeared. The letters reflect the author's anxieties about the fate of Italy. Machiavelli often felt a sense of bitterness, and not so much from familiarity with the downside of foreign policy, but from the divisions in Florence itself and its indecisive policy towards the powerful powers.

In conclusion, it must be emphasized that the Italian Niccolo Machiavelli was a talented and, no doubt, a great theoretician and scientist who took a significant step towards the creation of the ideology and science of the New Age, which had a profound influence on the development of political and legal thought and modern political science.

Machiavelli entered the culture of the High Renaissance not only as a brilliant historian and political thinker, but also as another facet of his talent - as a talented writer. He was a playwright, the author of the bright comedies Mandragora and Clitia, wrote poetry and prose, and was a master of the epistolary genre. Machiavelli created all his works in Italian, the virtues of which he highly appreciated and praised in his polemical Dialogue on Our Language. One of the largest figures in the culture of the Renaissance, Machiavelli sought the convergence of its different spheres with each other and showed the fruitfulness of their unity with all his work.

Literature

1. Gorelov A. A. Political science in questions and answers: a textbook. – M.: Eksmo. 2012.
2. Kozlikhin I.Yu. History of political and legal doctrines - St. Petersburg: Publishing house of St. Petersburg State University, 2009
3. Machiavelli N. Sovereign. - M .: Planeta, 1990
4. Politics: Explanatory Dictionary: Russian-English. – M.: INFRA-M, 2009
5. Chicolini L. S. Ideas of "mixed government" in Italian journalism of the 16th century // Culture of the Renaissance and Society. Moscow: Nauka, 1986

(1469-1527) Italian politician

Niccolo Machiavelli went down in history primarily as the author of two famous political treatises. But in fact, he wrote several dozen works covering a variety of areas of knowledge, as well as artistic works - the comedies Mandragora (1518), Clitia (1525) and poems. Machiavelli himself considered himself a historian, and his contemporaries called him the soul of Florence.

Niccolo came from an ancient Tuscan family, the first mention of which dates back to the early Middle Ages. In the 9th century, the Machiavellis were among the richest landowners. Niccolo's paternal ancestors owned vast estates and castles located in the Arno Valley.

However, by the time of the birth of his son, the Machiavelli family had become impoverished, only a small estate remained of the vast estates, so his father could only boast of a high-profile title. Niccolo's mother belonged to a well-known merchant family. In Florence, such a marriage between the offspring of an ancient family and the daughter of a wealthy merchant was considered common. Niccolo was the youngest child in a large family of two sons and two daughters.

When he was seven years old, a home teacher began to study with him, who taught the boy to read and write fluently in Latin. Four years later, Niccolo was sent to the famous Florentine school of P. Ronchiglioni. All the years of study, Machiavelli was considered the best student, and teachers predicted a brilliant career for him at one of the universities.

Niccolo's youth fell on the reign of Lorenzo de' Medici, nicknamed the Magnificent. My father served at the court of the duke, and the Florentine nobility gathered almost daily in Machiavelli's house. But the family had little money, and Niccolo's studies at the university were out of the question. To give his son a profession, his father began to practice law with him. Niccolo turned out to be an extremely capable student and after a few months becomes his father's assistant. After the sudden death of the elder Machiavelli, Niccolo becomes the sole breadwinner of the family. With the help of friends, he enters the civil service.

A brilliant knowledge of Latin and Florentine law helped him to compete for the position of secretary of the Great Council. His further career was swift. In just a few months, he received the post of Chancellor-Secretary of the Council of Ten - that was the name of the main state body for managing all the affairs of the Florentine Republic. Thus, in the hands of Machiavelli are all the threads of both domestic and foreign policy of the republic.

He was chancellor for more than fourteen years, was in charge of the military and diplomatic affairs of the republic, many times went on the most important trips - to the Vatican to the papal throne, to various cities of Italy.

Niccolo Machiavelli also proved himself to be a skilled diplomat who knew how to find a way out of the most intractable situations. On behalf of the French king, the German emperor, the Pope, he resolved issues of war and peace, settled disputed territorial problems, and financial conflicts.

It seemed that Machiavelli was one of the most famous political and diplomatic figures of the early 16th century, and nothing could interfere with his further career.

But the active political struggle in Florence led to the fact that P. Soderini, who sympathized with him, was overthrown, representatives of the Medici family came to power in the city, who expelled all supporters of the Florentine Republic from service. Niccolo Machiavelli was captured and thrown into prison, where he was tortured, but a year later he was released and sent into exile in the family estate of Sant'Andrea, located near San Casciano. Only in 1525 was he able to return to Florence again.

Finding himself in silence and solitude, Machiavelli takes up his pen and begins to work on two books: Discourse on the First Decade of Titus Livius (1513-1521) and the treatise The Emperor (1513).

In the first of them, Niccolo Machiavelli formally analyzes the history of Rome, but in fact, he does not so much analyze the work of a famous historian, but rather sets out his own views on the problems of the state structure of his contemporary society. The book is the result of many years of observation and reflection. Machiavelli declares Florence the successor to the Roman Republic. He considers republican Rome an ideal model of a state in which there should be opponents and supporters of the existing system.

His views on the place of religion in society are very peculiar. He believes that the ancient Roman religion is better suited to the republican system of government than the cumbersome bureaucratic machine that existed in the Vatican. True, he does not doubt the very foundations of Catholicism, only people who serve the church are criticized. Machiavelli for the first time openly writes that it is the policy of the papacy that contributes to the strengthening of the fragmentation of Italy. Of course, he could not print such a book in his homeland, so he sends the manuscript to friends in Florence and continues to work on the treatise The Emperor.

The researcher analyzes the role and place of the head of state in the system of government, considers various forms of government, from authoritarian to democratic, and comes to the conclusion that in any case, the personality and behavior of the ruler play a key role.

For the first time in European history, Niccolo Machiavelli shows that the most viable form is the so-called "stata", a large independent centralized state. He examines the behavior of the ruler and comes to the conclusion that any power is inevitably associated with certain manifestations of cruelty. Machiavelli considers such manifestations to be natural, but at the same time warns the rulers against excessively large sacrifices. He is convinced that any ruler is obliged to respect fellow citizens and take care of their prosperity. Interestingly, Machiavelli was the first to analyze the personal qualities that a ruler should have. In particular, he considered

that the ruler must be two-faced in order to hide hatred of enemies under the guise of a welcoming master of his country.

The ruler must always be decisive. In order for the people to rally around him, it is necessary to set a simple and realistic goal. However, it is by no means important that it be realistically achievable. In order to achieve it, one should stop at no means. If the goal is "historically progressive, nationally justified, solves the main problem of the era, establishing order, then the people forget the means to achieve it."

Niccolo Machiavelli attached great importance to the connection of the political state of society with the methods of exercising state power. He showed that for the stability of the system, it is important to observe the ideas, traditions, and stereotypes that are emerging in the public mind. In other words, the strength of any state is based on the masses.

Machiavelli's arguments about the so-called political elite are interesting. He distinguishes two types - "lion elite" and "fox elite". The first is characterized by a rigid authoritarian movement towards the goal. For the second - compromise maneuvering. The main conflicts, writes Machiavelli, unfold between the elite in power and the elite striving for power.

At the same time, as a historian, Niccolo Machiavelli gives an analytical picture of the existence of totalitarian regimes, pointing out the possibility of their appearance in a given situation. In fact, Machiavelli's book laid the foundations of political science - a science that appeared only many centuries later. The treatise "The Sovereign" was a reference book for many political figures. It is known that Napoleon, Churchill, and Stalin read it.

Like the previous book, the treatise began to diverge in numerous manuscripts. Soon they meet him at the Medici court. The official reaction was unexpected: Machiavelli was invited to Florence and offered a government post. He becomes an adviser to the duke's court.

Almost weekly, Niccolo Machiavelli speaks at the famous Medici Academy, where he makes presentations on the possible political and social structure of Florence. He tries to propagate his views and writes a “Note on the State System in Florence”, where he tries to convince the political and spiritual rulers to give more power to commercial and industrial groups. The work goes first to the duke, and then to Pope Leo X. The pope reacted favorably to the work of Machiavelli and even invited him to the Vatican to clarify what he was going to do specifically.

The scientist becomes the Pope's adviser. He spends a little over a year in the Vatican, and then returns to his homeland, as the Florentine authorities instruct him to write the history of Florence.

At the same time he is engaged in diplomatic work. He is appointed representative of Florence in the election of General of the Order of the Minorites. Machiavelli brilliantly copes with the assignment, but refuses the proposal that followed soon after. He no longer wants to hold the position of secretary of the government, believing that only independence will allow him to maintain an impartial position as a historian.

Work on the "History of Florence" required three years of hard work from Machiavelli. Only in the middle of 1525 did he send the first eight books to Pope Clement VII. Having received his approval, Niccolo Machiavelli continues to work, but at this time the Florentine government starts a war with the Duchy of Milan, who dreamed of subordinating Florence to their power.

Machiavelli takes an active part in organizing the defense of the city: he recruits militias, develops a plan for the defense of the city walls. On his recommendation, a special militia was established in the city to protect order.

However, soon the internecine war between Milan and Florence subsides - allied Spanish-German troops invade Italy.

In November 1526, as a military adviser to G. Medici, Niccolò Machiavelli was present at the battle of Governolo. The defeat of the Roman troops and the death of G. Medici cause an upsurge of republican sentiment in Florence.

Meanwhile, Machiavelli continues to serve as a military adviser and moves to the town of Civi ta Vecchia, where he is placed at the disposal of Admiral Doria, who commanded the Italian fleet. When Machiavelli learns that an uprising has begun in Florence, he drops everything and hurries back.

He believed that only by his presence could he bring maximum benefit to the republic. However, after Machiavelli's arrival, he unexpectedly falls ill and dies of gastric bleeding a few days later.

His funeral gathered almost all the inhabitants of the city. At their request, the remains of Niccolo Machiavelli were buried in the Florentine Cathedral of Santa Croce next to other prominent countrymen - Boccaccio, Petrarch.

The writings of Machiavelli were not forgotten, in 1531 both treatises of the scientist and a collection of his literary works were published in Italy. So gradually they become the property of the scientific and general public.

Traditionally, there are two perceptions of the creative heritage of Machiavelli. On the one hand, they see him as a supporter of the totalitarian regime, who was looking for a way out of the current situation in a strong collective will, which could be formed by a strong-willed and strong sovereign. Others see Niccolo Machiavelli as a dangerous rebel, able to object to the rulers of this world, not accepting the conditions of their game, and at the same time faithfully serving those whom he revered. It is no coincidence that in Tsarist Russia his books were repeatedly banned for publication, and in the USSR he was practically not published.

Over time, the name of Machiavelli began to be perceived as a symbol - the problems posed by him turned out to be so massive. In the 16th-17th centuries, they turned to him for help in political and diplomatic art, in the 18th century - for an explanation of the methods and techniques of government. For 19th-century historians, Niccolò Machiavelli was an authoritative chronicler, and in the 20th century he was referred to as a classic of political sociology. But no one disputed the importance of Machiavelli as the first of a galaxy of outstanding thinkers at the turn of the New Age - Jean Bodin, G. Grotius, T. Hobbes, J. Vico, who created the science of political science in different countries.

Concept by Nicolo Machiavelli

Relevance of N. Machiavelli's research

The political concept of N. Machiavelli

Man and society in the works of N. Machiavelli and I. Kant

The relevance of the study of the works of N. Machiavelli

The works of N. Machiavelli, as a researcher of the political sphere of the life of contemporary society, continue to remain relevant and cause discussions, despite half a thousand years ago. His recommendations on public administration issues are still relevant today. The problems of the late 20th - early 21st century are similar to those faced by N. Machiavelli, and the politics itself as the conquest, retention and use of power has not undergone significant changes.

N. Machiavelli, Florentine politician and writer, was born on May 3, 1469 in Florence. In 1498 he was accepted into the service, rising to the rank of secretary of the Florentine Republic. His political career continued until 1512 - the return of the Medici family, after which repression followed. Due to the ban on political activity and exile, Machiavelli was forced to present his diplomatic and political experience in his works. The main ones are The Sovereign (1513), Discourses on the First Decade of Titus Livius (1513-1516), On the Art of War (1521).

Often it is not taken into account that The Prince is not the only work that reflects the views of Machiavelli, and the historical context (in particular, the absence of a unified Italy and a system of nation states in Europe) is not taken into account. In addition to his own experience, his works are based on the study of the history of Florence and Ancient Rome. A feature of Machiavelli's work is the clarity of the examples shown and the practical nature of the recommendations ("The Sovereign"), as well as a detailed political analysis of the current situation. Despite the fact that the creation of the work "The Sovereign" is associated with the specific political history of Florence and Italy, this work provides generalizations that are relevant in modern conditions (for example, concerning the policy of the ruler, military affairs, the choice of advisers). In general, The Sovereign not only reflects a wide range of issues related to public administration, but also raises more serious problems regarding human ethics and the permissibility of certain behavior in achieving one's goals.

The analysis carried out by Machiavelli in "The First Decade of Titus Livius" shows the relevance of studying historical experience for its application in current conditions, and the theoretical part successfully complements the practical one. In particular, the author's conclusions show that the methods used by prominent political figures of the past (Lycurgus) contributed to the strengthening of power. Particular attention is drawn to the mistakes of politicians and their consequences, and scenarios for the development of the political process are considered (for example, Chapter 6. “Was it possible to establish such a system in Rome that would destroy the enmity between the people and the Senate”).

The main provisions of the concept of Machiavelli

It should be noted that his works cannot be considered in isolation - both "The Sovereign" and "Discourses" cover various aspects related to both history and the political sphere of society. The first work focuses on the development of a strong and successful state, as well as the factors necessary for this, including:

· management methods (not only by their own state, but also by the conquered one);

· ensuring security (including through the use of own, hired, allied troops), including an analysis of the use of various tools, as well as the policy of the ruler in the military sphere.

At the same time, the mistakes and blunders of those rulers who lost their states are analyzed separately (Chapter 24. Why the sovereigns of Italy lost their states).

Having a colossal political and diplomatic experience, in his writings Machiavelli appears as a practical and realist, knowing full well that politics is the art of the possible. Yes, and to require the sovereign to achieve some ideals seems, at least, naive - he controls his subjects and is responsible for them and for his possessions. And in this case, when analyzing the policy of the ruler from the point of view of ethics, important assumptions should be made that each historical era is characterized by its own ethics, and that it is necessary to resort to a small evil in order to avoid a big one.

At the same time, it should be noted that due to the not entirely correct interpretation of Machiavelli, he is considered a supporter of the principle "the end justifies the means."

As follows from a closer reading of this little treatise, the researcher is not at all an ardent supporter of its use (Chapter 8. Of those who acquire power by atrocities), but, nevertheless, recognizes the fact of its use and the need for cruelty, which the ruler is forced to resort to. in some cases.

The researcher also criticizes tyranny. At the same time, attention should be paid to the fact that in emergency circumstances, when it comes to saving the state, “one should not stop at any considerations of justice or injustice, humanity or cruelty, glory or shame, but discard all considerations, decide that saves and sustains freedom." This, as the author shows on the example of the Roman Empire, also includes the introduction of Dictatorship, since in emergency circumstances the concentration of power in one person significantly speeds up the decision-making process and allows you to neutralize the danger.

The second work ("Reasoning") is a large-scale historical study, which, however, is of a practical nature. It begins with an analysis of the causes of cities in general and Rome in particular. Then the author proceeds to consider the forms of government (briefly dwelling on the Monarchy, Aristocracy and Popular Government - here he follows the ancient Greek tradition), which are characteristic of cities (there was no system of nation states in Europe at that time), which served as important trade and strategic hubs. The author calls the introduction of the institution of popular tribunes and disagreements between the People and the Senate as factors in the growth of the power of the Roman Republic. He expresses the same thought in The Sovereign, written a little earlier. Given the political instability of that time, Machiavelli draws attention to the sources of revolutions and unrest, while his conclusions are not unambiguous.

As for Machiavelli's criticism of the church, given the generally strong (despite the soon-to-be-reformed) positions of the Roman Catholic Church (RCC) and Catholicism in Europe and the historical context, it is inappropriate to declare his anti-church views, although his writings were subsequently banned. RCC. Machiavelli criticizes the church because the latter has not preserved the significance of religion, but at the same time recognizes its achievements in the field of conquest and retention of political power. Religion, according to the author, plays an important role in the life of the people and is their last hope. On the example of the history of the Roman Empire, the author shows the role of religion in the management of the army and the people, and it was she who became the basis for the well-being of Rome. She, according to Machiavelli, is also a unifying factor that allows the ruler to maintain his state even after his death.

In the Discourses - as well as in The Sovereign - Machiavelli once again draws attention to the need for a powerful army of his own and the danger of using mercenaries and allied troops.

He also takes one of the first steps in relation to the formation of the concept of the rule of law, arguing that "whoever does not comply with the law, especially those issued by himself, sets a bad example" , and considers the consequences of this example.

The history of Rome is more devoted to the second and third books of the Discourses, which are not just a summary of events, but the author's analysis of their causes and comparison with the current political situation. It also reveals the specifics of the conduct of hostilities by the Romans (including tactics, strategy, storming cities). Particular attention is paid to conspiracies and the fight against them, since they pose a significant danger to rulers and authorities, and their main reason is hatred of the sovereign among the people.

Thus, the concept of Machiavelli is practical and its main provisions, given the historical era, are as follows:

the state is formed by three elements: the sovereign, the nobility and the people, between which there are contradictions. The task of the sovereign in terms of ensuring effective government is to find a balance between the nobility and the people - the preponderance of any of the parties can lead to its loss and the sovereign's excessive dependence either on the people or on the nobility, which limits his actions. At the same time, excessive oppression of the nobility or people increases the likelihood of speaking out against the ruler.

The need to care for the welfare of the people is justified by the fact that the hatred and contempt of subjects leads to the organization of a conspiracy, since one of the dangers that lie in wait for the sovereign comes from them. Prosperous states and wise sovereigns took all measures to ensure that they did not harden the nobility and be pleasing to the people, for this is one of the most important concerns of those who rule. Machiavelli believes that a strong state can only be obtained by tirelessly caring for the welfare of the people;

the basis of successful government is the sovereign as a person with a set of qualities (the sovereign should avoid those vices that can deprive him of the state).

Meanwhile, their application depends on the specific situation (mercy and cruelty cannot be abused) - the new sovereign must be restrained, prudent and merciful, so that excessive gullibility does not turn into negligence, and excessive distrust does not embitter subjects. His activities and the methods used are aimed at the prosperity of the state, which is de facto the result of his activities, and of his subjects, which is impossible without the introduction of restrictions (including at the legislative level), although, of course, the institutional component in Machiavelli's concept is in its infancy. Those. in fact, in the absence of any counterbalance in the person of the institution, the stability of the state (if the sovereign does not meet the required qualities) is in jeopardy. This fact determines the fragility of this political structure due to the lack of a well-functioning and fixed mechanism of succession and rotation;

the sovereign should have no other thoughts, no other concerns, no other business than war, military regulations and military science, for war is the only duty that the ruler cannot impose on another. The art of war is endowed with such power that it allows not only to retain power to those who were born a sovereign, but also to achieve power to those who were born mere mortals. In his time, strength, possession of one's own (rather than hired) troops were significant factors that the enemy had to take into account - and it is no coincidence that the researcher repeats this in his works, pointing out the shortcomings of hired and allied armies. At the same time, Machiavelli does not reduce the sovereign to the commander - the former is also in charge of foreign policy.

Despite the recognition of the cynical nature of the surrounding world and the political sphere of society, Machiavelli in his works points to certain rules of the game, the violation of which, as demonstrated by historical examples, leads to negative consequences and, in the worst case, loss of power and death.

It is the adherence to these rules that makes it possible to ensure the effectiveness of public administration, to create a powerful state with which opponents would reckon. At the same time, money is only one of the types of resources (sometimes not the most important), and their use does not always lead to the desired result.

Thus, really powerful sovereigns and republics acquire allies not with money, but with courage and glory. You can buy allies with gold, but it is unlikely that you will be able to keep them in a difficult time for the country. In addition, in order to maintain power within the country, the sovereign must use both the stick and the carrot - this cannot be achieved by repression alone or excessive generosity (i.e., the distribution of money). The sovereign, if he wishes to keep his subjects in subjection, must not reckon with accusations of cruelty. Having committed a few massacres, he will show more mercy than those who, in excess of him, indulge in disorder. For the whole population suffers from disorder, which gives rise to robbery and murder, while only individuals suffer from the punishments imposed by the sovereign. Thus, Machiavelli recognizes that in reality the government of the state is impossible without violence, which is justified if it is subordinated to the state interests.

Let us consider these theses in more detail.

Three-element structure of the state

According to the researcher, the state cannot do without any of these elements. At the same time, the interests of the nobility and the people, as a rule, are opposite: the nobility wants to subjugate and oppress the people, the people do not want to be subjugated and oppressed. And although the ruler can be a representative of either the nobility or the people, he cannot express the interests of only a part of society and only rely on the nobility, since this will lead to a loss of power. Thus, the nobility considers themselves equal to the ruler, and he cannot order her or act independently. In addition, it is impossible to satisfy the demands of the nobility without infringing on others, and the sovereign cannot encroach on her privileges with impunity (as an example, contemporary France is given to the author). And one cannot turn away from the people, if only because "it is numerous."

Thus, Machiavelli first drew attention to the fact that in order to maintain power, the sovereign must consciously enlist the support of the people, and not the nobility (from which one must be able to protect oneself), since the ruler himself actively participates in the process of its formation - brings its representatives closer and further away at his own discretion. If the sovereign came to power with the help of the nobility, it is even more necessary for him to attract the people to his side - in order to legitimize his rule and form a counterweight, since the nobility (especially in the absence of support from the people) can oppose the ruler. Although there are various ways, for this it is only necessary not to curry favor with the people and to pursue a policy that does not arouse the hatred or contempt of the subjects - most people are satisfied with life, as long as their honor or property is not hurt. Rulers arouse hatred by predation and encroachment on the good and women of their subjects.

At the same time, the researcher draws attention to the fact that the retention of power over subjects (nobility and people) can be carried out by such methods as disarming them, maintaining a split, deliberately creating enemies, and attracting doubting citizens to their side. Although their application depends on specific circumstances, Machiavelli offers some generalizations and points out their shortcomings - for example, maintaining a split can be disastrous for maintaining power (especially in the event of an external threat).

The researcher also offers three ways to reconcile the warring parties: ruthlessly get rid of the guilty, drive them out of the city, or force reconciliation, taking the obligation not to rebel anymore. The latter, according to Machiavelli, is the most ineffective - it is impossible that, after blood has been shed and order has been violated, peace restored by force should be durable, especially when enemies meet face to face daily. It is difficult to prevent them from fighting again, especially when every word can give rise to a new quarrel between them.

Knowing the disadvantages and advantages inherent in the use of power by the people and the nobility, one of the possible options is to delegate part of the power to the people (for example, through parliament) and part of the authority to the nobility.

Considering that the sovereign cannot rule alone, the choice of advisers plays an important role, who, upon approaching, are part of the elite and help him in governing the state. Their task is not personal enrichment, but serving the state and national interests. At the same time, the ruler is advised to reward them for their faithful service and value their loyalty - conspirators can take advantage of the adviser's discontent.

The author also makes recommendations regarding the treatment of members of the elite - to act as they do. At the same time, it is recommended to form loyalty and bring closer those who are ready to share the fate of the sovereign, and beware of the overly ambitious because "in difficult times they will always help to destroy the sovereign."

Machiavelli warns of the dangers of civil government, in which sovereigns rule through a magistrate. Citizens can deprive the ruler of power at any time, not to mention the failure to comply with his orders or orders. Thus, the sovereign should demonstrate to the citizens his necessity.

At the same time, attention is drawn to the fact that no one except the sovereign should decide military issues - war is the only duty that the ruler cannot impose on another. First of all, this is due to the need to protect power in connection with the high potential for the emergence of applicants from the military circles - "the art of war ... allows not only to retain power to those who were born a sovereign, but also to achieve power to those who were born mere mortals." And possession of it is the main reason for gaining power.

Since the sovereign expresses the interests of all citizens, he uses both the interests of the nobility and subjects to strengthen the state and power. And in this case, the criterion for the success of government is not only the popularity of the ruler among the people, but also the decisions that may be unpopular, but necessary. In general, when implementing a policy, it is better for the ruler to rely on those factors that depend on him. Machiavelli also refers to the criteria for success and how much the sovereign encourages citizens to engage in trade, agriculture and crafts, as well as the protection of private property. In fact, we are talking about the development of the economy and such sectors as trade, agriculture and industry. At the same time, the researcher warns against excessive tax burden and intervention to redistribute property and capture businesses. As practice shows, such actions have a negative impact on the investment climate of the state and damage the image of the ruler.

When making decisions, Machiavelli points out that there are no infallible decisions and that their adoption is somehow fraught with risk. One must first come to terms with the fact that every decision is doubtful, for it is in the order of things that, having avoided one trouble, one finds oneself in another. The wisdom of the sovereign is to, having calculated all the possible risks, make a choice in favor of the least evil.

At the same time, the researcher argues that the rulers have no right to complain about any mistake made by the people whose government is in their hands, which is due to their oversight and delusions.

If the appointment of advisers is one of the channels of feedback with the nobility, then feedback from the people is carried out through the participation of the ruler in various festive events and ceremonies (for example, rewarding those who excelled in any craft or art). sovereign politics man society

Within the three-element structure, Machiavelli puts the sovereign, who is an ordinary person, above the rest. The sovereign is beyond the jurisdiction and control of any body, i.e. exercises supreme power. Its decisions are final and not subject to appeal, i.e. in the person of the sovereign, the legislative, executive and judicial powers are actually united, and the advisers have advisory powers.

At the same time, the researcher does not indicate any external factors that impose restrictions on the activities of the ruler. Such factors are internal - the character and personal qualities of the sovereign. Of course, the interests of the nobility and the people should be taken into account and it is recommended to follow the laws, but this is not mandatory.

And although Machiavelli writes that good laws and a good army serve as the basis of power in all states, he pays much more attention to the army, which is the main tool for coercion and implementation of the will of the ruler, ensuring the inevitability of punishment. Given the bad nature of man, he implies that the voluntary observance of laws by subjects is difficult (especially if the ruler himself does not set an example for them).

A prudent ruler who wants to maintain power should adhere to a certain strategy, both in relation to the people and to the nobility, outlined in general terms by Machiavelli. In fact, the sovereign is limited by its unwritten framework, which, however, does not have a fixed and institutional character and the application of which depends both on the current situation and long-term prospects. In general, the basis of the political stability of the political system of the state is non-interference in the privacy of citizens and the absence of arbitrariness. The consequences of the violation of this stability are not only internal strife and the performance of the people against the ruler, but also the potential intervention of an external enemy and, as a result, the conquest of the state.

The qualities of a sovereign as the basis of successful government

The basis of the successful reign of the sovereign is his qualities and policy towards the nobility, subjects and other states. At the same time, in the implementation of the policy, it is necessary to demonstrate flexibility, the ability to achieve one's goals and act depending on the circumstances. Given human nature and understanding the impossibility of constantly following his virtues, Machiavelli argued that "a prudent sovereign should avoid those vices that can deprive him of the state, and refrain from the rest to the best of his ability." At the same time, virtue often turns into vice and, vice versa, in connection with which it is important to show moderation and reasonableness. Thus, the excessive generosity of the ruler will lead to the depletion of the treasury, which requires higher taxes to replenish, and the loss of support from citizens, and generosity on the way to power allows you to gain new supporters. At the same time, stinginess is one of those vices that allow the sovereign to rule and not burden his subjects with excessive taxes.

The abuse of mercy is also dangerous - in this case, the ruler will be considered soft and indecisive (which enemies can take advantage of), which can lead to a loss of power. If the ruler wants to keep his subjects in subjection, he should not reckon with accusations of cruelty, but its manifestation - as a necessary measure - is necessary at the right time in the right place, since the emphasis on it will lead to the hatred of subjects and the loss of power. In the Discourses, he repeats this thought: “The man who controls his subjects must be strict rather than merciful if he wants to keep them in subjection. But this severity must be so moderate as not to generate hatred, because no monarch had the benefit of being hated.

In his works, Machiavelli constantly draws attention to the destructiveness of such a quality as indecision.

Ingratitude, inconstancy, propensity for gain and other negative human qualities force the sovereign to inspire fear in his subjects - he is supported by the threat of punishment, which cannot be neglected. At the same time, one should not overdo it in relying on fear - the excessive use of the instruments of fear causes the hatred of the people and is a factor in the loss of power. At the same time, their use must be justified - even when the sovereign considers it necessary to take someone's life, he can do this if there is a suitable justification and an obvious reason.

With this in mind, Machiavelli believes that honesty is not the best policy, since princes who did not try to keep their word, ultimately succeeded much more. That is, when implementing a political course, the ruler should be guided not by ideals, but by a real and practical goal. The researcher believes that the ruler should - depending on the circumstances - behave like a lion or a fox. It is a flexible policy that allows you to retain power.

In the first place, the author puts the need to observe and realize his own interests - a reasonable ruler cannot and should not remain true to his promise if it harms his interests and if the reasons that prompted him to make a promise have disappeared. Sovereign ... for the sake of preserving the state is often forced to go against his word, mercy, kindness and piety. If we are talking about saving the state, then “we should not stop at any considerations of justice or injustice, humanity or cruelty, glory or shame, but discard all considerations, decide on what saves and maintains freedom.” Those. in emergency circumstances, violation of previously established restrictions is allowed.

Thus, Machiavelli excludes ethics from politics and argues that it is impossible to evaluate the actions and policies of statesmen from the point of view of the norms of morality and ethics of an ordinary person.

The researcher hints at the need for constant PR support of the ruler's activities. After all, few people know what is really happening.

Consequently, it is unlikely that anyone will dare to challenge the opinion of the majority, behind which stands the state. Considering that the most important thing for the sovereign is to try with all his actions to create for himself the glory of a great man endowed with an outstanding mind, it is simply necessary to present his own actions and deeds in a favorable light for himself. The main factor is the result - whether you retained power or won. Whatever means are used for this, they will always be considered worthy and approved, for the mob is seduced by visibility and success, but there is nothing in the world but the mob, and there is no room for the minority when the state is behind the majority.

Each ruler wants to be remembered by the people and strives for greatness. How can this be achieved? Machiavelli offers two possibilities: 1) military enterprises and 2) extraordinary deeds.

When solving internal problems, the ruler must remember that it is impossible to satisfy the interests of all and everyone at the same time, but it is necessary to be able to enlist the support of the majority of his citizens. At the same time, one of the most important tasks of the ruler is to choose wise advisers who put state interests above personal ones. However, their powers are advisory, since otherwise the adviser can claim the place of the sovereign or pursue his own benefit. “The mind of a ruler is first of all judged by what kind of people he brings closer to himself; if they are devoted and capable people, then you can always be sure of his wisdom, for he knew how to recognize their abilities and keep their devotion.

The importance of the military component for the state. Issues of defense and foreign policy of the state

In the treatise "The Prince" Machiavelli analyzes three types of armies: mercenary, allied and own. Despite his unsuccessful personal experience in using his own troops, he, relying on historical experience, comes to the conclusion that the last of them is the most effective - without his own troops, the state is fragile, it is entirely dependent on the whims of fortune.

Successful alliances are another tool against external enemies. At the same time, their formation requires great skill - it is better to avoid an alliance with those who are stronger than you, unless necessary. If a strong ally wins, the sovereign becomes dependent on him, which can lead to a loss of power.

At the same time, foreign policy should show flexibility, be able to foresee the consequences of each step, be guided by caution and foresight.

Machiavelli gives priority to the defense policy of the sovereign due to the fact that "the art of war is endowed with such power that it allows not only to retain power to those who were born a sovereign, but also to achieve power to those who were born mere mortals." If the rulers think more about pleasure than about military exercises, then they are in danger of losing power. In addition, the sovereign should personally monitor the situation in the armed forces and know the tactical features of the territory of his state in order to increase the effectiveness of its defense and gain an advantage over the enemy. Pays attention to Machiavelli and detailed defense planning, whose task is to minimize the influence of random factors during a military campaign on the result.

Separately, the need to build fortresses for the defense of the country is considered due to their prevalence at that time. The author notes that the decision to create such an outpost or its liquidation is dictated by the current situation, but at the same time, their effectiveness in protecting against an external enemy, according to the author, is low.

Thus, the strengthening of military power leads to an increase in the power of the sovereign. The researcher makes a clear recommendation regarding the methods to be applied to achieve this goal. One of them is the formation of their own powerful army, which can only be obtained with the support of the people.

Why is public support so important? It ensures the legitimacy of the ruler not only within the country, but also in the international arena. If it is known that the sovereign has the support of his subjects, then it will be more difficult for enemies to attack him or plot against him. Any ruler will be reckoned with only after everyone sees that he has his own soldiers. Otherwise, as the example of the Roman Empire shows, the state will decline. On the whole, auto notes that the reasons for its fall were the disagreements caused by the agrarian law and the perpetuity of military powers.

Analyzing the reasons for the loss of power by the rulers of the Italian states of that period, Machiavelli comes to the conclusion that the main reason was the weak armed forces, to which the rulers did not pay enough attention, as well as the excessive use of mercenaries. He blames the lack of his own army on the ruler, whose duty is to take care of the defense of the country in peacetime. At the same time, one cannot rely on money, the position of the country, the love of the people in the absence of a good army. The people cannot remain loyal to a sovereign who could not protect them. He also notes that in war, the main thing is not gold, but good troops, because "gold does not make good troops, but good troops deliver gold." At the same time, in order to maintain combat readiness, one’s own army must be constantly trained and conducted exercises - because a trained army, and not technical means (for example, cannons) is in many ways the key to victory, for which soldiers need to rely on themselves and their commander (confidence in their comrades and commanders leads to victory). A military leader cannot rely on ignorant soldiers, nor be sure that they will effectively carry out their duties.

An important factor is the presence of a strong commander (whose task is to train soldiers and who knows how to predict the plans of the enemy) - without a good leader, the army becomes dangerous and willful. Among his features, in addition to decisiveness, is the ability not to fall into error if he sees an obvious mistake on the part of the enemy.

At the same time, the danger is not only the subordination of the troops to several commanders, but also the excessive number of the latter - this factor leads to intrigues, disagreements, a struggle for power and weakens the combat effectiveness of the army.

Among the factors that ensure the weight of the state in the international arena, Machiavelli includes the following:

· a quick end to wars;

· the conduct of hostilities on the territory of the enemy and its devastation (i.e., the elimination of the military-industrial potential);

· forcing peace on your own terms.

In his opinion, this allowed the Roman Empire to increase its wealth and power.

Man and society in the works of N. Machiavelli and I. Kant

N. Machiavelli and I. Kant are representatives of different areas of social and political thought. If it is believed that the first - unlike the second - put in the first place not ethics, but efficiency, the achievement of the set goals (despite the assumption of certain frameworks and restrictions), for the implementation of which the use of violence is also permissible. I. Kant, on the other hand, developed the doctrine of ethics, which is based on the categorical imperative (generally valid moral prescription, which has the force of an unconditional principle of human behavior). Comparison of the concepts of the two researchers allows us to trace the evolution of the development of views on society and man from the 16th to the 18th century.

Machiavelli does not single out society as an independent unit and considers it in the context of public administration, namely, the policy pursued by the sovereign. Society, consisting of the nobility and the people, is in a subordinate position in relation to the sovereign and the state, on which the further development of social relations depends. The ruler actually stands above society, has absolute power and is not controlled by anyone. In this case, the only restriction on the policy of the state in relation to society is the ethics of the ruler, which implies a certain set of principles that differ from the ethics of an ordinary person. That is, the researcher breeds ethics and politics - in contrast to Kant.

The Italian researcher examines a person in a practical plane, without working out in detail the ethics of an ordinary person, draws attention to the fact that people are ungrateful and fickle, prone to hypocrisy and deceit, which scares them away from danger and attracts profit. Kant, on the other hand, held a better opinion, considering man "the main object in the world." In general, the concept of the German philosopher considers a person much broader - from a more abstract and ideal (than Machiavelli) - point of view, and not only as a subject and object of the political process.

At the same time, Kant recognizes that reality has a significant impact on human behavior in society - as well as generally accepted norms of behavior, and gives his considerations regarding the characteristics of a person: talents, shortcomings (for example, stupidity), illness, entertainment, affects (courage, courage , cowardice), temperament, etc.

If the Italian researcher describes the harsh reality of political struggle, in which there is no place for unreasonable dreams, and human behavior within the framework of this struggle, then Kant focuses on what a person should ideally become, what should condition and motivate his actions not only within the framework of everyday life. existence, but also in other areas of public life (including politics and international relations). Thus, he - unlike Machiavelli - does not separate politics and ethics, subordinating the first to the second and arguing that objectively (in theory) there is no dispute between politics and morality.

For Machiavelli, politics is the result of a struggle between various forces, in which human interest and benefit play an active role in it, as well as such human qualities that are unchanged and especially manifested in unstable times, such as the desire for power, fame, greed, selfishness. It is on them that the author urges to pay attention in politics, even recommending carefully monitoring the actions of citizens - in order to prevent a conspiracy and the emergence of tyranny.

At the same time, for Kant, politics is reduced to following legal norms, which are the product of human rationality and, therefore, their implementation benefits everyone. And human behavior (regardless of the sphere of public life) should be determined by law, and not by its qualities.

Machiavelli separates the ethics of the common man from the ethics of the ruler. The moral attitudes of a private person and a public figure are different. “Great people consider failure as shame, not breaking their word.” Thus, according to Machiavelli, it is incorrect to evaluate the activities of the ruler from the point of view of the ethics of an ordinary person, and the sovereign can use people as a means to achieve his goals (including ensuring national interests and saving the state).

The difference between the ethics of Machiavelli and Kant lies in the universal nature of the latter and the need to follow the categorical imperative as the basis of the practical behavior of any person (act in such a way that you always treat humanity (both in your own person and in the person of anyone else) as an end and never I would treat it only as a means)

If Machiavelli's main source of fulfillment of the ruler's orders is the use of violence due to the unfavorable nature of man, then Kant relies on the rationality of the individual (the reasonable nature of egoism), the peculiarity of which is that he is a member of a civil society, and, in particular, understanding the last need to obey the law expressed in the law. Thus, following the law prevents illegal behavior. At the same time, Kant, noting that the two cores of civil legislation are freedom and the law that restricts it - like Machiavelli - recognizes the need for coercion, which, in combination with freedom and law, ensures the success of these principles (republic).

With regard to international relations, here Kant - unlike Machiavelli - in this area takes an idealistic position. He emphasizes legal documents as the basis of interstate relations and the destruction of the causes of a future war, and also states the need for the disappearance of standing armies (as a tool for conducting politics), arguing that military recruitment is incompatible with human rights. Kant also opposes the forcible intervention of the state in the affairs of other countries and the use of dishonest military stratagems to further their interests, since this hinders the achievement of peace, which is further ensured by law. Further, the German researcher criticizes politicians and the principles of government they apply (fac et excusa, si fecisti, nega, divide et impera).

References

1.Machiavelli N. Sovereign. - M.: Planeta, 1990. - 80 p.;

2.Machiavelli N. Sovereign: Works. - Kharkov, 2001. - 656 p.

.Machiavelli N. Sovereign. Discourses on the first decade of Titus Livius. - Rostov n / a: Publishing house "Phoenix". 1998 - 576 p.

.History of political and legal doctrines. Textbook / Ed. O.E. Leist. - M.: Legal literature, 1997.

.I. Kant. Works in 6 volumes. M., 1966. T. 6. S. 257-310;

.I. Kant. Works in 6 volumes. M., 1966. T. 6. S. 349-587.

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The Italian writer and philosopher Machiavelli Niccolo was an important statesman in Florence, holding the position of secretary in charge of foreign policy. But he was much more famous for the books he wrote, among which the political treatise "The Sovereign" stands apart.

Biography of the writer

The future writer and thinker Machiavelli Niccolo was born in the suburbs of Florence in 1469. His father was a lawyer. He did everything so that his son received the best education for those times. For this purpose, there was no better place than Italy. The main storehouse of knowledge for Machiavelli was the Latin language, in which he read a huge amount of literature. Desk books for him were the works of ancient authors: Macrobius, Cicero, and Titus Livius. The young man was fond of history. Later, these tastes were reflected in his own work. The key works for the writer were the works of the ancient Greeks Plutarch, Polybius and Thucydides.

Machiavelli Niccolo began his civil service at a time when Italy was suffering from wars between numerous cities, principalities and republics. A special place was occupied by the Pope, who at the turn of the XV and XVI centuries. was not just a religious pontiff, but also a significant political figure. The fragmentation of Italy and the absence of a unified national state made rich cities a tasty morsel for other major powers - France, the Holy Roman Empire and the growing power of colonial Spain. The tangle of interests was very complex, which led to the birth and dissolution of political alliances. The fateful and striking events that Machiavelli Niccolo witnessed greatly influenced not only his professionalism, but also his worldview.

Philosophical views

The ideas set forth by Machiavelli in his books significantly influenced the perception of politics by society. The author was the first to review and describe in detail all models of behavior of rulers. In the book The Sovereign, he directly stated that the political interests of the state should prevail over agreements and other conventions. Because of this point of view, the thinker is considered an exemplary cynic who will stop at nothing to achieve his goal. He explained state unscrupulousness by serving a higher good goal.

Niccolo Machiavelli, whose philosophy was born as a result of personal impressions of the state of Italian society at the beginning of the 16th century, did not only talk about the benefits of this or that strategy. On the pages of his books, he described in detail the structure of the state, the principles of its work and the relationships within this system. The thinker proposed the thesis that politics is a science that has its own laws and rules. Niccolo Machiavelli believed that a person who has mastered this subject to perfection can predict the future or determine the outcome of a particular process (war, reform, etc.).

The Importance of Machiavelli's Ideas

The Florentine writer of the Renaissance introduced many new topics for discussion into the humanities. His dispute about the expediency and compliance with moral standards raised a sharp question over which many philosophical schools and teachings are still arguing.

Reasoning about the role of the personality of the ruler in history also first appeared from the pen of Niccolò Machiavelli. The ideas of the thinker led him to the conclusion that in feudal fragmentation (in which, for example, Italy was), the character of the sovereign replaces all power institutions, which harms the inhabitants of his country. In other words, in a fragmented state, the paranoia or weakness of the ruler leads to ten times worse consequences. During his life, Machiavelli saw enough such picturesque examples thanks to the Italian principalities and republics, where power swung from side to side like a pendulum. Often such fluctuations led to wars and other disasters that hit the common population the hardest.

History of the "Sovereign"

It should be noted that the treatise "The Prince" was written as a classic application manual intended for Italian politicians. This style of presentation made the book unique for its time. It was a carefully systematized work, in which all thoughts were presented in the form of theses, supported by real examples and logical reasoning. The Prince was published in 1532, five years after the death of Niccolò Machiavelli. The views of the former Florentine official immediately resonated with the broadest public.

The book became a reference book for many politicians and statesmen of the following centuries. It is still being actively reprinted and is one of the pillars of the humanities devoted to society and institutions of power. The main material for writing the book was the experience of the fall of the Florentine Republic, which Niccolò Machiavelli experienced. Quotes from the treatise were included in various textbooks, which were used to teach civil servants of various Italian principalities.

The heredity of power

The author divided his work into 26 chapters, in each of which he addressed a particular political issue. A deep knowledge of the history of Niccolo by ancient authors often comes across on the pages) made it possible to prove their guesses on the experience of the ancient era. For example, he devoted a whole chapter to the fate of the Persian king Darius, who was captured. In his essay, the writer assessed the fall of the state and gave several arguments about why the country did not rebel after the death of the young commander.

The question of the types of heredity of power was of great interest to Niccolò Machiavelli. Politics, in his opinion, directly depended on how the throne passes from predecessor to successor. If the throne is transferred in a reliable way, the state will not be threatened by unrest and crises. At the same time, the book shows several ways to maintain tyrannical power, the author of which was Niccolò Machiavelli. In short, the sovereign can move to a new occupied territory in order to directly monitor local moods himself. A striking example of such a strategy was the fall of Constantinople in 1453, when the Turkish sultan moved his capital to this city and renamed it Istanbul.

Preservation of the state

The author tried to explain in detail to the reader how to keep a captured foreign country. For this, according to the theses of the writer, there are two ways - military and peaceful. At the same time, both methods are acceptable, and they must be skillfully combined in order to simultaneously appease and frighten the population. Machiavelli was a supporter of the creation of colonies on acquired lands (approximately in the form that the ancient Greeks or Italian maritime republics did). In the same chapter, the author deduced the golden rule: the sovereign needs to support the weak and weaken the strong in order to maintain balance within the country. The absence of powerful counter-movements helps to maintain the authorities' monopoly on violence in the state, which is one of the main signs of a reliable and stable government.

This is how Niccolò Machiavelli described how to solve this problem. The writer's philosophy was formed as a combination of his own managerial experience in Florence and historical knowledge.

The role of personality in history

Since Machiavelli paid great attention to the question of the importance of the individual in history, he also compiled a short sketch of the qualities that an effective sovereign should possess. The Italian writer emphasized stinginess, criticizing generous rulers who were wasting their treasury. As a rule, such autocrats are forced to resort to raising taxes in the event of a war or other critical situation, which is extremely annoying to the population.

Machiavelli justified the rigidity of the rulers within the state. He believed that it was precisely such a policy that helped society avoid unnecessary unrest and unrest. If, for example, a sovereign prematurely executes people prone to rebellion, he will kill a few people, while saving the rest of the population from unnecessary bloodshed. This thesis again repeats the example of the author's philosophy that the suffering of individual people is nothing compared to the interests of the whole country.

The need for rigidity of rulers

The Florentine writer often repeated the idea that human nature is fickle, and most of the people around are a bunch of weak and greedy creatures. Therefore, Machiavelli continued, it is necessary for the sovereign to inspire awe among his subjects. This will help maintain discipline within the country.

As an example, he cited the experience of the legendary ancient commander Hannibal. With the help of cruelty, he maintained order in his multinational army, which fought for several years in a Roman foreign land. Moreover, it was not tyranny, because even executions and reprisals against those guilty of violating the laws were fair, and no one, regardless of their position, could receive immunity. Machiavelli believed that the cruelty of the ruler is justified only if it is not outright robbery of the population and violence against women.

Death of a thinker

After writing The Sovereign, the famous thinker devoted the last years of his life to the creation of the History of Florence, in which he returned to his favorite genre. He died in 1527. Despite the posthumous fame of the author, the place of his grave is still unknown.