Bloody euromaidan crime of the century. "Bloody euromaidan - the crime of the century" Electronic version. Vitaly Zakharchenko: Bloody Euromaidan is the crime of the century - Foreword

Vitaly Zakharchenko

BLOODY EUROMAYDAN - THE CRIME OF THE CENTURY

FOREWORD

Autumn 2015, outside the window is a quiet warm evening, “eyes charm”, as Alexander Sergeevich Pushkin wrote.

It is a wonderful time to break away from the daily bustle, put your thoughts and feelings in order and look at the events of recent years in a slightly different way, from a different angle.

Quite recently I caught myself at an unexpected discovery that I had no opportunity to indulge in a contemplative mood so calmly. There was simply not enough time for this, the cycle of urgent matters did not let go for a moment. I won’t say that it bothered me, I was comfortable in this state, my life was filled to the brim and left no room for unnecessary experiences and thoughts distracted from work.

The service in the police, which I chose in my distant youth, taught me to systematic approaches, to strict planning of all my actions, to a certain self-denial, and to be honest, I could not imagine how one could live differently.

And only in the last year and a half, force majeure circumstances, as lawyers say, forced me to stop for a while, look back, try to systematize and rethink all those events that tragically changed not only my fate, but also the fate of millions of people in my homeland.

I think that the colossal tectonic shifts that took place in Ukraine in 2013-2014 cannot be perceived only as purely internal Ukrainian affairs. The causes and drivers of these upheavals go beyond the nation-state of Ukraine.

I have always been curious why people at some stage suddenly decide to put their memories, thoughts and reasoning about life on paper. Starting to write this book, I thought for a long time why ministers, presidents and officials who previously held high posts sit down to write such literary works, why dig into the past and who might be interested in it.

After all, it is obvious that the main motive for such literary creativity cannot be either mercantile interest or a thirst for popularity. The answer I came up with turned out to be simple and complex at the same time.

At some point, I realized that I wanted to not just describe the tragic events of the autumn-winter of 2013-2014 in a narrative form, to be another, albeit very informed, chronicler of the bloody coup d'état, but I felt a burning need to look beyond the horizon.

I wanted to understand the essence of what was happening, to understand those secret and overt mechanisms that pushed our state and people to the abyss of chaos and civil war.

Relying on the vast array of information that I possessed by the nature of my service, on the extensive experience of operational work in law enforcement agencies and on life wisdom, I sought in this book to make generalizations that would help not only me, but any thoughtful reader to understand the secret political mechanisms of the February armed coup in Ukraine.

For obvious reasons, I am deprived of the opportunity to conduct a full-fledged investigation, carefully examine the evidence at the crime scene, carry out all the necessary examinations, interview witnesses, in a word, do everything that law enforcement agencies are required to do when investigating crimes.

I am well aware that the current rulers of Ukraine, who came to power through an armed coup, have completely different goals. It is vital to them that the world never know the truth. So that the citizens of Ukraine, behind the streams of lies and falsifications, do not consider the faces of true criminals and murderers. But this cannot be allowed. Using the connections and means available to me, as well as operational experience, I, together with numerous associates, have been conducting my own investigation into the tragic events of February 2014 for more than a year and a half. Bit by bit collecting a wide variety of information from various sources, painstakingly systematizing and analyzing the facts available to me, I can firmly assert that sooner or later the truth will become known and the names of all the customers and perpetrators of bloody crimes will be named.

However, the purpose of this book is wider than just investigating a crime, because the executions of policemen and protesters on the streets of Kyiv are just one episode in a chain of crimes.

My main goal is an attempt to try on a similar development of events in other countries, to analyze all the internal and external geopolitical reasons that led to the actual collapse of the state.

The tragedy of what happened for the people of my country lies in the fact that the events of the Maidan are not just a “revolutionary” change of one regime by another, but precisely the destruction, death of the state system itself. As I understand today, it is not so important who was formally at the helm of the country during these fateful days and hours. More importantly, Ukraine lost the opportunity to remain an independent, independent state much earlier. And the February events, followed by the loss of Crimea and the war in Donbass, are a logical continuation of the tragedy, which, unfortunately, was inevitable.

I am convinced that a rigorous analysis of the causes and consequences of these tragic events is extremely important not only for Ukraine, Russia, but, perhaps, for the entire civilized world. The danger of the spread of such destructive technologies is more than real for many European states. That is why the events of the Maidan and everything that followed it arouse such interest not only among the Russian, but also among the European public.

I talked a lot with Russian and European journalists, politicians, public figures and always felt genuine interest and even anxiety when discussing the cause-and-effect relationships of the February 2014 coup d'état. A vivid example of this is our conversations with the writer, politician and public figure Sergei Helemendik, which served as a definite impetus for writing this book and its semantic basis.

The issues that we touched upon in the course of our many hours of conversations go far beyond the events of the coup d'état and the fate of Ukraine itself. First of all, we talked about the philosophical, geopolitical and historical meaning of the changes that we have witnessed. About faith and traditions, about the historical fate of Ukraine and Russia, about the destructive technologies of the Maidan used around the world, about what Europe and our world will be like in the near future.

This book is about this and more. I hope that my thoughts will seem to you, dear readers, not only interesting, but also useful.

Vitaly Zakharchenko

The book, including conversations between Vitaly Zakharchenko and Sergei Helemendik, was written between December 2014 and November 2015.

PART 1. WHY AND HOW MY HOMELAND - UKRAINE WAS DESTROYED

CHAPTER 1. Suicidal Ideas Became a Program of the Ukrainian State

Sergey Helemendik:

More than a year and a half has passed since the coup in Ukraine, which today some mockingly call the revolution of dignity. The coup began with the execution of people in the center of Kyiv, in which from the very first hours they groundlessly and categorically accused the then acting authorities and you specifically.

Will the world ever know the truth about the events that turned this world upside down?

Vitaly Zakharchenko:

They say that history is written by the winners, and there is no need to argue with that. The junta in power in Kyiv still feels like a winner and behaves according to its feelings.

But I think that we will know the truth about the execution on the Maidan not only because we have been conducting our own investigation from the very beginning.

Independently of each other, the execution on the Maidan is being investigated by a variety of people in the world. There are already the results of these serious investigations, which have been published in many countries. Thus, the famous American film director Oliver Stone made a film investigating the Maidan, and soon it will be presented to the general public.

There was a crime, even a whole chain of crimes, murders, with the participation of a large number of perpetrators, as well as witnesses and accomplices. This simply cannot be silenced or covered up by a politicized trial.

More than a year and a half has passed, and the Ukrainian authorities have done nothing to solve these crimes. Nothing but baseless and absurd accusations. Of course, not always and not all crimes are revealed, but I am convinced that this crime will definitely be solved: its price is too huge and bloody, too many people, for various reasons, will strive to reveal the truth to the world.

The first excerpt from Vitaly Zakharchenko's book "Bloody Euromaidan - Crime of the Century", which will soon be published...
PART 3
FROM THE HUNTING FOR THE PRESIDENT TO A GENOCIDAL TERRORISM WAR IN UKRAINE
Chapter 1
Hunt for the legitimate president of the country
Sergey Helemendik:
These were probably unusual and dramatic days in your life. Perhaps you do not yet have the opportunity to tell everything in detail for obvious reasons.
We will talk about what happened when you spoke with the president on the phone on February 21 and it was decided that Berkut and internal troops were moving to Donetsk. I'll start with a question: were you sure that the order to leave Kyiv and move east in a column would really be carried out?
Vitaly Zakharchenko:
Of course, there was no certainty, but who could be sure of anything in those hours? The order was given and accepted, it had a clear meaning - to keep the units loyal to the legitimate president and government, to retreat and then decide how to proceed.

Sergey Helemendik:
Why didn't you move with the column?
Vitaly Zakharchenko:
Because it was clear that if I lead the movement and stay on the air, and otherwise it would be impossible, then military clashes would become inevitable. There was already an understanding that professional, well-equipped armed structures were behind the armed coup, that is, military operations would begin without any understanding of what was going on around. Therefore, I left with security in the direction of Donetsk, I turned off the connection in agreement with the president.
We were in several cars, all only on local radio, the first cars carried out reconnaissance, then we moved on. We arrived without problems and quite quickly, but as it turned out, the situation in the country was completely different.
On the way, I thought about what needs to be done when loyal troops arrive in Donetsk, what needs to be done on our part to preserve the constitutional order, to enable the president to make political changes, but in Donetsk I learned that the troops had been stopped.
Literally a few hours before my departure from Kyiv, I managed to send my family to Donetsk by regular plane. My friend helped me to transport my parents to my homeland in the city of Konstantinovka, and later to the Crimea and further to the Russian Federation.
When I arrived in Donetsk, my relatives were already there, and, fortunately, it became possible to send them to Moscow by plane.
The situation changed rapidly, and we did not have time to fully understand what was happening. One thing was clear and did not cause any doubts: loyal units would not come to Donetsk, and a hunt was declared for the legitimate president of Ukraine and his entourage, and there was a directive - not to take them alive.
Sergey Helemendik:
Who stopped the movement of troops from Kyiv to Donetsk?
Vitaly Zakharchenko:
This is an interesting question. I do not think that today it is possible to say with certainty that there was such one specific, living person who suddenly
took responsibility for this decision. As subsequent events showed, the president had already completely lost control of the situation. But neither he nor I understood this yet.
The President flew to Kharkiv, even gave an interview there, not yet realizing that control over the situation had already been lost.
Later it turned out that in Kharkiv, which was traditionally considered a support of power, his appearance at the Congress of Deputies of the South-East, to put it mildly, turned out to be problematic, because completely unknown people, possibly armed, entered the hall, and no one stopped them, did not control .
Sergey Helemendik:
And yet, if I understand correctly, the decision to withdraw internal troops and the Berkut to Donbass was made by you and confirmed by the president. What were the goals of this decision?
Vitaly Zakharchenko:
It was forced and inevitable in its own way, and I emphasize once again that we proceeded from the fact that we retain command of the most combat-ready part of the power structures at that moment and that the army will be at least neutral. That is, part of the internal troops and special forces "Berkut" will be able to proceed to Donetsk.
If it was possible to withdraw loyal units to the Donbass, and the president was heading there, to Donetsk, then legitimate power would remain on part of the territory of Ukraine, which would have something to protect. And things could have been different, history could have turned out differently. But the internal troops and units of Berkut were stopped, and I arrived in Donetsk only with my personal guards.
Sergey Helemendik:
How did events develop then?
Vitaly Zakharchenko:
Very fast. The most important event was that, while trying to fly out of Donetsk, Yanukovych ran into armed resistance, as a result of which he failed to fly out. Realizing the complexity of the situation, we agreed to meet at the house of a well-known and influential person in Donetsk and Ukraine at his invitation. We hoped that we would be able to find a solution to uphold the legitimate authority. Unfortunately, I was not present at this conversation, because I arrived a little later. But I will never forget the outcome of this conversation.
After it, Yanukovych told me that now we need to make our way to the Crimea, that there is nothing else left, moreover, we will make our way separately. That is, he will separately try to pass through Melitopol, and later, with a group of associates, I get to the agreed place on the Azov coast by another road and wait for orders. Were offered options for withdrawal, it was also said that we will be helped by reliable people. Of course, at that moment the whole world turned upside down for me.
After all, I was sure that we gathered in this house, we had to find a solution on how to fight the coup. I had no doubt that there are options and possibilities for how to do this. Considering that there are hundreds of thousands of miners around, and simply people who did not accept the Maidan and the illegal seizure of power, we will find support. And the head of state said that it is necessary to break through to another territory. That in Donetsk we have no one to count on. It certainly was a serious blow.
And. as subsequent events later showed, the decision to break through in different groups was correct, or rather, the only possible one, because the president did not manage to break into Crimea directly.
Sergey Helemendik:
As we now know from what the President of the Russian Federation said, the rarest meeting in history took place in Moscow around the same time. The President summoned the heads of three Russian special services and set them the task of saving the President of Ukraine. Because there was information that they were waiting for him on the way to the Crimea in the Melitopol region with heavy machine guns, and this clearly indicated that they did not want to take Yanukovych alive.
By bringing together the leadership of the security services, Putin practically took over the rescue of Yanukovych, and perhaps that is why it was successful. But we know about it now, but what did you think about your future then?
Vitaly Zakharchenko:
To say that I was surprised would be too mild. Of course, I didn't know as much about what was happening as President Yanukovych did. All these weeks, I generally saw the world through the “prism” of the Maidan, and everything that happened there, by and large, was not up to political analysis, because important decisions had to be constantly made. However, seeing what was happening on the streets of Kyiv, it was not difficult to imagine how the situation could develop further. Back then, I tried to convey my thoughts to the president about political development and its possible consequences, but my attempts did not give any result.
The fact that, as a result, parts of the internal troops and Berkut were stopped, returned to Kyiv, taken under control and partially disarmed, was the first very bad news upon arrival in Donetsk, but the President’s proposal to break into the Crimea was already quite bad news.
The future was drawn rather harshly: with a small group of comrades-in-arms, to break through to the peninsula.
Sergey Helemendik:
And yet, how much at that moment did you realize that you were being hunted? That you are not supposed to be arrested, that we are talking about the physical liquidation of Yanukovych and his entourage?
Vitaly Zakharchenko:
I would say that there was no understanding in full. But there were bad feelings. Fears were confirmed a little later, when I already had well-founded reasons to believe that the situation would develop exclusively according to the worst-case scenario. This, in particular, was clear from what the Ukrainian radio stations reported.
Together with a few associates and my personal guard, we moved south, taking special precautions. That is, there were cars again,
who carefully studied the situation ahead, and then gave the rest a signal to move. And so we gradually moved towards the sea.
Sergey Helemendik:
Were your guards armed?
Vitaly Zakharchenko:
Of course, personal service weapons. But the situation was so complicated and dangerous that at some point I decided to release the guards along with the cars. The likelihood of an armed clash with those who opened the hunt for us grew from hour to hour, and it was clear to me that these guys could lose their lives for almost nothing. It was not their fight, not their game, or rather, they did not lose this game, they were only soldiers, they were following orders. It was clear to them that the legitimate government had collapsed, the power had been lost, and it was not clear who we were in such a situation, personally I, their boss, the Minister of Internal Affairs of Ukraine, who was making his way to Crimea.
They did not understand what would happen to them. But they were well aware that there was a real threat. That they may have to shoot at the same policemen, who, in turn, are also not fully oriented in what is happening, who were ordered by incomprehensible new commanders.
In a word, I asked them to leave, hand over their cars and weapons to the new authorities, and, as it turned out later, I did the right thing, because the scale of the hunt for us was already such that at the first collision we would all have simply been shot.
We don’t know for sure now, but someday it will definitely come to the surface - then, in pursuit of the legitimate president of Ukraine, the special services of other states, professionals in very specific operations, were probably involved. And a clash with such a trained to destroy, armed to the teeth Sonder-team did not leave us any chances. For those who carried out the coup, the living Yanukovych was extremely dangerous, and with the benevolent disposition of the West, one could hang anything on the dead.
Sergey Helemendik:
The guards left, and you were left alone with fate, without weapons?
Vitaly Zakharchenko:
No, not really. I was not alone, there were other associates whose names will be clear to informed readers, but I would not like to name them.
I did not remain unarmed either, I put on a bulletproof vest, a helmet, and, as you understand, not only a laptop was at hand.
* * *
The second excerpt from the book by Vitaly Zakharchenko, which will soon see the light...
I will add a few remarks from personal communication ...
The orders of the Ministry of Internal Affairs were sabotaged, among other things, by the head of the KMDA Popov, a business partner of Levochkin, and the leadership of the Kyiv police department, who were directly responsible for the situation in the city, and who were pressured by the oligarchs involved in sponsoring the coup d'état ...

Armed seizure of power on the Maidan as an operation of Western intelligence services

In order for the picture of the preparation and conduct of the coup d'etat in Ukraine to be complete, it is necessary to dwell in more detail on the very significant role of Western intelligence services.

The fact that Ukraine was the object of close attention of the secret services of the collective West and, above all, of course, the United States, is no secret to anyone. I must say that they themselves did not really hide their intentions and active reconnaissance activities on the territory of the country.

The beginning of the events on the Maidan showed that the main burden of this crisis will fall on the shoulders of the employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. I have repeatedly said - and this is my deep conviction - that it is impossible to overcome this kind of technology of overthrowing the state power only by the police forces. Hope for the help of our special services and other ministries in the fight against radicals and foreign agents behind their backs was very illusory.

Let me give you a few striking examples. One of the technologies of "color" coups is the participation in the riots of "professional revolutionaries" from other countries. As a rule, these are well-trained and experienced leaders of radical movements from Serbia, Georgia and other countries where such coups have already been successfully carried out. In the fall of 2013, such specialists were sent in large numbers by their curators to Ukraine. When this became known to us at the Ministry of Internal Affairs, I made a persistent request to the head of the SBU, Yakimenko, to do everything possible in order to prevent these characters from entering the country. But, unfortunately, the reports of the chairman of the SBU, as well as many others, were blocked by Lyovochkin as the head of the presidential administration. As a result, nothing was done, and these “petrels” of colored Maidans ended up in huge numbers and were active in Kyiv.

The role of Lyovochkin in organizing the protests and frank work in the interests of the foreign curators of the Maidan is difficult to overestimate. He was a classic agent of Western intelligence influence. I have already said more than once that the provocation of November 1 was his work, but it is also worth remembering that immediately after the coup d'etat, Lyovochkin was summoned to the United States, where he received full support and blessing for further political activity as a manual oppositionist. Is it any wonder that the new authorities do not touch him. A raven will not peck out a crow's eye.

Since the beginning of the crisis, not a day has passed that I did not have telephone or personal contact with the "concerned" representatives of Western embassies. Often, such meetings were attended by professional intelligence officers under diplomatic cover. I must say that they are very well trained and extremely cynical people. Everything that happened on the streets of Kyiv, they perfectly saw, realized and quite clearly declared their goals. In fact, they did not even hide their activities in the country, nor their intentions. The main task, it seemed to me, for them was to probe my position, to predict my reactions and actions when the situation escalated.

Another interesting aspect of the activities of the special services of our "well-wishers" was the clear leadership of the protests through their agents in the ranks of the opposition. Here I enter into the realm of assumptions, although they are all based on facts and documents, but since, as I said, this is not the competence of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, we will consider this purely my assumptions.

So, according to my data (or, if you like, assumptions), Avakov was recruited by the British special services quite a long time ago. Rumors about this came after an incident in Italy, where Avakov, simply out of stupidity, came to the attention of the local police in a minor accident (in addition, he was driving a car on a day declared by the municipality as a car-free day). Being at that time on the international wanted list, he, of course, risked being deported to Ukraine, which he tried with all his might to avoid. It was not possible to agree with the carabinieri, and Avakov's prospect was very sad. However, British volunteers from MI6 and very curious people with Baltic roots appeared just in time, whose role in the tragic events during the executions on Institutskaya Street in February 2014 was largely decisive. It was they, according to our information, who "settled" Avakov's problem in Italy, after which their connection became very strong and was visible right up to the Maidan events.

Only the lazy did not mention Nalyvaichenko and his very close ties with the CIA, therefore I see no reason to repeat myself. With this character, everything is very clear. But among the many instigators of the Maidan coup, there were figures of a smaller scale, but also very iconic. For example, we can recall a certain Danilyuk. After a series of small and unsuccessful attempts to organize protests about taxes and other alleged oppression of entrepreneurs, our hero was noticed and noted by the attention of the same unforgettable MI6. Having organized “Spilna on the Right” and deliberately taking his family to London (what a career growth and touching care of Foggy Albion for a petty Ukrainian Protestant!), Danilyuk during the Maidan began to seize buildings and ministries with recklessness. And after talking with the US embassy just as quickly retreating back. According to our data, only during the period from December to February, Danilyuk flew to Britain several times, after which his activity increased sharply. The fact that Danilyuk was recruited, I personally do not raise the slightest doubt.

There is evidence that the German secret services worked closely with Klitschko, which is not surprising. In general, a very large number of politicians of the highest and middle levels, journalists, civil and public figures considered it possible and even desirable to work with foreign intelligence services. The concept of sovereignty was understood by a significant part of society in a very peculiar way. The distorted idea of the state security of Ukraine largely determined the tragic events that took place in the country in February 2014. Unfortunately, many people never realized this. Probably, behind the heart-rending cries about the "independence" of Ukraine, they always understood only personal gain. With such a position, no state will be stable.

Autumn 2015, outside the window is a quiet warm evening, “eyes charm”, as Alexander Sergeevich Pushkin wrote.

It is a wonderful time to break away from the daily bustle, put your thoughts and feelings in order and look at the events of recent years in a slightly different way, from a different angle.

I wanted to understand the essence of what was happening, to understand those secret and overt mechanisms that pushed our state and people to the abyss of chaos and civil war.

However, the purpose of this book is wider than just investigating a crime, because the executions of policemen and protesters on the streets of Kyiv are just one episode in a chain of crimes.

My main goal is an attempt to try on a similar development of events in other countries, to analyze all the internal and external geopolitical reasons that led to the actual collapse of the state.

This book is about this and more. I hope that my thoughts will seem to you, dear readers, not only interesting, but also useful.

Vitaly Zakharchenko

The book, including conversations between Vitaly Zakharchenko and Sergei Helemendik, was written between December 2014 and November 2015.

PART 1. WHY AND HOW MY HOMELAND - UKRAINE WAS DESTROYED

CHAPTER 1. Suicidal Ideas Became a Program of the Ukrainian State

Sergey Helemendik:

Will the world ever know the truth about the events that turned this world upside down?

Vitaly Zakharchenko:

They say that history is written by the winners, and there is no need to argue with that. The junta in power in Kyiv still feels like a winner and behaves according to its feelings.

NEW BOOK OF THE MINISTER OF THE MIA OF UKRAINE
VITALIA ZAKHARCHENKO
"BLOODY EUROMAYDAN - THE CRIME OF THE CENTURY"

On April 19, 2016, Minister of the Interior of Ukraine (2011-2014) Vitaliy Zakharchenko presented his book "Bloody Euromaidan - the Crime of the Century" in St. Petersburg. He spoke at ITAR-TASS, at the Bukvoed store. Vitaliy Yuryevich Zakharchenko very clearly stated his civil and political position and showed how Western intelligence services through their agents were preparing a phased raider seizure of Ukraine. He spoke about the backstage springs that occurred on the Maidan.

Zakharchenko showed how the West, after the collapse of the USSR, gradually and purposefully drew Ukraine into its colonial orbit. He voiced a very interesting idea - making a bet on Ukraine, the West was not limited to creating a zone of instability and conflict with Russia, as well as creating Ukraine just as Anti-Russia. Everything was planned much deeper - with the help of Ukraine, the West wanted to defeat Russia.

Judging by the words of Zakharchenko, he is a very deep political analyst who understands the alignment of forces in the international arena.

I asked Zakharchenko a question - could Yanukovych stop the bacchanalia on the Maidan during the peak days, if he had shown courage and will, if he had not been afraid. Zakharchenko replied that he could, but it had to be done in 2010, having made a clear and unequivocal choice in favor of the Customs Union and friendship with Russia. But Yanukovych's American advisers recommended that he bet on European integration, thinking that the South-East would vote for Yanukovych anyway. This resulted in a global error. In the bloodiest days of the Maidan, it was impossible to stop him, because the situation was charged long before that, and betrayal followed betrayal, including in the leadership of the media, which until recently were loyal to the President of Ukraine.

Zakharchenko understands that ideology is at the heart of politics. A lot of useful and interesting information came from the mouth of the Minister of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine V.Yu. Zakharchenko.
After the meeting, I gave him our printed publications for review: the newspapers "Kievskaya Rus Segodnya", the newspaper "Society and Ecology", the book of the poet Vladimir Khromenko "Great Russia".
Our Union of Donbassites of St. Petersburg and the Leningrad Region has been conducting its explanatory and popular-diplomatic work and struggle since 2004, after the so-called "orange revolution", when the seeds of fascism began to be sharply sown in Ukrainian society under Yushchenko.
We understand that people like Vitaly Zakharchenko have serious information and charisma, they know how to convey real knowledge to people, they should appear more often on Russian federal TV channels and open people's eyes to those behind-the-scenes political games, revolutions, wars that the West arranges to destroy national states and building their undivided world domination on the planet, using various color revolutions, improving their deceptive plumage, the tip of which is directed to the heart of any nation. Understanding these trends, people will rely on their own concept of governance, on Russian, Slavic and Eurasian culture and seek happiness not overseas, but in their homeland.

The fight for justice and humanity is our Russian global idea!
The struggle for Ukraine, the disclosure of the plans of the American globalizers who are planting their bloody tyrannical regimes in different countries, in particular in Ukraine - that's what Zakharchenko's book is about.

Sergey Lisovsky,
Chairman of the Union of Donbass of St. Petersburg and the Leningrad Region