Who arrested the provisional government. Overthrow of the Provisional Government. The Bolsheviks came to power. "French bread crunch"

Activities of the Provisional Government (February-June 1917).

After the abdications of Nicholas 2 and Mikhail (Alexandrovich?), the only legitimate body of central government was the Provisional Government, which replaced the Duma Committee on March 2. A peculiar political situation developed in Russia. At the same time, there were two authorities - the Provisional Government and the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. This situation is called dual power. The creation of the Provisional Government was the compromise to which the Provisional Committee and the Petrograd Soviet were forced to resort. The first personified the moderate forces of society, which alone by this time were a more or less organized force. The second represented a real, but completely unorganized force of the crowd and therefore could dictate terms to the Committee, but was unable to organize government.

Having emerged, the Provisional Government declared its commitment to the principles of democracy, abolished the system of estates, national restrictions, and carried out a number of other measures, which, of course, earned the respect and gratitude of its fellow citizens. However, the final resolution of these and other issues was postponed until the convening of the Constituent Assembly. The people were asked to bring the war to a victorious end. The first crisis of the government arose in April in connection with a note from the Minister of Foreign Affairs P.N. Milyukova. In it, he wrote that “while continuing to have full confidence in the victorious end of this war in full agreement with the allies, the Provisional Government is absolutely confident that the issues raised by this war will be resolved in the spirit of creating a solid foundation for lasting peace.” The crisis was overcome by the formation of a new government in May 1917. It included socialist ministers (A.F. Kerensky, M.I. Skoblev, G.I. Tsereteli, A.V. Peshekhonov, V.I. Chernov, P.N. Pereverzev) as representatives of the Soviets.

It was assumed that this tactical move would strengthen the government’s position and increase the authority of the Soviets by strengthening control over government activities. The idea found its further development in the decisions of the First Congress of Soviets (June 1917). The congress formed the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and authorized the long-prepared offensive at the front. On the issue of power, the need for a coalition was confirmed. The congress delegates saw overcoming the crisis in the economy by strengthening the centralization of management of the national economy and by “moderate” taxation of entrepreneurs.

Overthrow of the Provisional Government. The Bolsheviks came to power.

The failure of the summer offensive at the front caused a new political crisis. Demonstrations took place in the capital demanding the transfer of full power to the Soviets and the resignation of the government. The speeches caused confusion among moderate socialists. Radical left factions began to form in the organizations of the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries. The situation was complicated by the worsening economic situation. On July 2, Minister of Food A.V. Peshekhonov informed about the food crisis engulfing the capital and its environs. The Fuel Committee reported the impending shutdown of factories due to lack of fuel. Similar things were observed in other industrial centers.

The way out of the crisis was seen along the path of a tougher course towards the revolutionary movement. On July 3, the Cadet Party announced the recall of its ministers from the government. The artificially created government crisis was intended to push moderate socialists to more decisive action. The idea found support and understanding. On the same day, the Organizing Committee of the Menshevik Party decided to form a new government “if possible with a predominance of representatives of the bourgeoisie.” The proposal was supported by the Central Committee of the Socialist Revolutionary Party and the Central Executive Committee of the Soviets. The subsequent measures taken to stabilize the situation - the suppression of demonstrations by force of arms, the closure of the left-wing press, the introduction of the death penalty at the front, the postponement of elections to the Constituent Assembly - characterize the chosen course, but its implementation also had negative consequences. From the sphere of political dialogue between various political forces, the struggle increasingly moved into the sphere of violence and bitterness, polarizing Russian society. The Bolshevik Party at its VI Congress (August 1917) decided on an armed uprising, the ultimate goal of which was to overthrow the government and gain political power.

At the end of August 1917, right-wing forces attempted to carry out a coup d'etat and establish a military dictatorship in the country. L.G. was elected as dictator. Kornilov. He formed 33 shock battalions and sent them to pacify the capital. The conspiracy was defeated. The behavior of the Cadets on the eve of and during the crisis led to a sharp decline in the authority of the party among the people. Due to internal disagreements about the form and structure of the new government, and ways to get the country out of the crisis, the split among the socialists, in the Socialist Revolutionary and Menshevik parties, is deepening.

The unsuccessful military coup of General L. Kornilov stopped the process of stabilization of the situation in the country and the army, achieved by the Provisional Government in the summer of 1917. The Soviets, increasingly controlled by the Bolsheviks, emerged from the crisis with increased popularity among the people. If in the Petrograd Soviet on March 2, 19 votes against 400 were cast for the Bolshevik resolution against the transfer of power into the hands of the Provisional Government, then on August 31, the absolute majority of the Council supported the Bolsheviks. On September 1, the Provisional Government, influenced by the speech of L.G. Kornilov, proclaimed Russia a republic. On the same day A.F. Kerensky informed the Central Executive Committee about the creation of a Directory of 5 people as a temporary body for the operational management of the country. On September 2, the Central Executive Committee of the Soviets approved the idea of ​​convening a Democratic Conference, which was to resolve the issue of power, but in the meantime the Central Executive Committee called for support for the government formed by Kerensky.

On September 14, 1917, the Democratic Conference began its work. The main issue at its meetings was the nature of the future power and government. The democratic conference approved the possibility of a coalition with the bourgeoisie; the final decision on the issue of government was entrusted to the Pre-Parliament, created from the delegates of the conference. The resolution emphasized that the government would strive to conclude peace between the warring states and express the will of the people. The protracted government crisis ended with the creation of a third coalition government on September 25. It consisted of 4 cadets, Kerensky remained the head and supreme commander-in-chief. Here the decision was made to convene the All-Russian Congress of Soviets on October 20. After the completion of the Democratic Conference, the Bolsheviks advocated the early convening of the Congress of Soviets and proclaimed the slogan “All power to the Soviets.”

After the Democratic Conference, the “Left Bolsheviks” (V.I. Lenin, L.D. Trotsky and others) began active preparations for an armed uprising. This activity was largely determined by the fact that a significant number of armed forces and Red Guard units were in the hands of the Bolsheviks. Bolshevik activity increased against the backdrop of an intensifying economic crisis . On October 10, the Bolshevik Central Committee accepted the proposal of the left to prepare an armed uprising. With the adoption of decisions, the existing contradictions among the Bolsheviks on issues of tactics did not disappear. L. Kamenev and G. Zinoviev oppose the uprising.

In the days that followed the decision to revolt, the Bolsheviks sought, it should be noted - not without success, to expand support for their program at the upcoming Congress of Soviets. In turn, the government represented by A.F. Kerensky is undertaking some efforts to suppress possible leftist movements. Troops loyal to the government are gathering in the capital, but there are not many of them. October 24 A.F. Kerensky spoke at the Pre-Parliament with an analysis of the situation in the country. The result of the discussion was the adoption of a resolution proposed by the left factions of the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries. She offered government support subject to the immediate implementation of the radical “land and peace” program, the creation of a committee of public salvation with the participation of representatives of the Soviets. The proposal was rejected by A.F. Kerensky, because it expressed distrust of the government in a veiled form.

On the evening of October 24, the Bolsheviks began an armed uprising. During the night and the following day - the General Staff, telegraph, stations and other facilities - were in the hands of the rebels. On the morning of October 25, the Military Revolutionary Committee of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies declared the Provisional Government overthrown. Later that day, the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets began its work. Of the 670 delegates, 507 supported the transfer of power to the Soviets.

On the night of October 24 (November 6), the Provisional Government in Petrograd ordered the capture of Smolny and the opening of bridges across the Neva (in order to cut off working-class areas from the center). New detachments of cadets, including from Peterhof and Oranienbaum, “shock battalions” specially created to fight the revolution, and a women’s “death battalion” were drawn to the Winter Palace. On October 24, the Commander-in-Chief of the Petrograd Military District, Colonel Polkovnikov, issued an order in which he demanded that the Military Revolutionary Committee commissars be removed from the regiments and brought to trial. Military units were forbidden to leave the barracks. “All those who take arms into the streets in defiance of the order will be put on trial for armed rebellion,” the order read. The counter-revolution went on an open offensive, taking responsibility for starting the civil war.

On the morning of October 24, a detachment of cadets raided the printing house where the Bolshevik newspapers Pravda (then published under the name Rabochy Put) and Soldat were printed. Having received a message about this, the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party immediately proposed to the Military Revolutionary Committee to put the revolutionary forces on combat readiness, send Red Guards and revolutionary soldiers to the printing house, expel the cadets from there, and ensure reliable security of the printing house and editorial offices of Bolshevik newspapers. At the direction of the Central Committee, the Petrograd Bolshevik Committee called on the revolutionary masses to speak out for “the immediate overthrow of the government and the transfer of power to the Soviets of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies, both in the center and locally.” The Military Revolutionary Committee sent out an order to its commissars and regimental committees, which stated: “The Petrograd Soviet is in direct danger: at night, counter-revolutionary conspirators tried to summon cadets and shock battalions from the surrounding area to Petrograd. The newspapers “Soldier” and “Rabochy Put” are closed. The regiment is ordered to be put on combat readiness. Wait for further orders. Any delay and confusion will be considered a betrayal of the revolution.”

The Red Guards and revolutionary soldiers expelled the cadets from the printing house they had captured. By 11 a.m. on October 24, the newspaper “Rabochy Put” was published, in which the Bolshevik Party called for the overthrow of the Provisional Government and the establishment of Soviet power. “Power must pass into the hands of the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies.

There must be a new government in power.

Those elected by the Soviets, replaced by the Soviets, and responsible to the Soviets developed,” the newspaper wrote.

Within a few hours, a huge mass of revolutionary forces began to move: Red Guards, soldiers, sailors - a total of more than 200 thousand people. Each revolutionary detachment received a combat mission from the Military Revolutionary Committee. “I cannot remember without amazement,” wrote A.V. Lunacharsky, “this stunning work, and I consider the activities of the Military Revolutionary Committee in the October days one of the manifestations of human energy, proving what innumerable reserves it has in the revolutionary heart and for what it is capable when the thunderous voice of the revolution calls upon it.”

The warships of the Baltic Fleet moved to the aid of Petrograd. Using the radio station of the cruiser "Aurora", the Military Revolutionary Committee appealed to all revolutionary organizations outside Petrograd with a call to put their forces on combat readiness and not to allow trains with troops called by the Provisional Government to enter the capital.

The government never received the expected support either from the front or from the Cossack regiments in the capital, on whose loyalty it counted. On the afternoon of October 24, a detachment of scooter riders refused to guard the Winter Palace. The garrison of the Peter and Paul Fortress went over to the side of the revolution. Already in the first hours of open struggle, the isolation of the government was revealed. A report from the headquarters of the Petrograd Military District, sent to Headquarters, noted that “the impression is being created as if the Provisional Government is in the capital of a hostile state.”

Red Guards, revolutionary soldiers and sailors recaptured the bridges across the Neva from the cadets, occupied the Central Telegraph Office, the Petrograd Telegraph Agency, railway stations, a power plant, the State Bank and other important points and institutions, and blocked the cadet schools. The workers of Petrograd played a decisive role in ensuring the success of the uprising. They were unanimously supported by the garrison of the capital. The sailors of the Baltic Fleet were also in the forefront of the revolution.

Having captured the working-class areas, the revolutionary detachments advanced to the Winter Palace, which was turned into the main citadel of the counter-revolution. The Red Guards, sailors and revolutionary regiments took their places in accordance with the plan of the Military Revolutionary Committee.

Kerensky issued orders demanding to suppress the uprising, seize Smolny, defeat the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party and the Military Revolutionary Committee, and immediately send troops from the front to Petrograd. But the mechanism of the old state power failed. The activities of the government, the Petrograd Military District, and Headquarters were paralyzed.

The uprising developed bloodlessly and with extraordinary speed. By the morning of October 25 (November 7), the entire capital was actually under the control of the Military Revolutionary Committee. Only the Winter Palace, the General Staff, the Mariinsky Palace and some other points in the city center still remained in the hands of the government. The head of the Provisional Government, Kerensky, fled to the headquarters of the Northern Front (Pskov); the American embassy provided him with a car with a United States flag.

At 10 a.m. on October 25 (November 7), the Military Revolutionary Committee published an appeal “To the Citizens of Russia!” written by V. I. Lenin. It announced the victorious progress of the socialist revolution, the overthrow of the Provisional Government ( See V.I. Lenin, To the citizens of Russia!, Soch., vol. 26, p. 207.).

This joyful news spread throughout the vast country. On the afternoon of October 25, V.I. Lenin spoke at the plenum of the Petrograd Soviet. He declared: “The workers’ and peasants’ revolution, the need for which the Bolsheviks were always talking about, has taken place” ( V. I. Lenin, Meeting of the Petrograd Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies on October 25 (November 7), 1917. Report on the tasks of the power of the Soviets, Works, vol. 26, p. 208.).

All that remained was to take possession of the Winter Palace, where the Provisional Government continued to sit out. By the evening of October 25, the palace was completely surrounded. The best detachments of revolutionary fighters took their starting positions. To avoid bloodshed, the Military Revolutionary Committee presented the Provisional Government with an ultimatum - to capitulate within 20 minutes. Having not received a response within the prescribed period, the Military Revolutionary Committee ordered the assault to begin. At 9:40 pm, a blank shot from the cannon of the cruiser Aurora gave the signal to begin the assault on the Winter Palace.

Powerful revolutionary forces were sent to storm the Winter Palace. The cadets guarding the palace took cover behind the barricades and fired back. But this did not last long. By nightfall, the demoralization of the Winter garrison began. The company of the women's battalion was the first to surrender, then part of the cadets from the school of ensigns of the Northern Front left. The revolutionary units moved the fight inside the building.

“It was a heroic moment of the revolution, beautiful, unforgettable,” says N. I. Podvoisky. “In the darkness of the night, illuminated by pale, foggy smoke, light and bloody rushing lightning shots, from all the adjacent streets and from the nearest corners, like menacing , ominous shadows, rushed chains of Red Guards, sailors, soldiers, stumbling, falling and rising again, but not for a second interrupting their rapid hurricane-like flow...

One moment - the barricades themselves, and their defenders, and those attacking them merged into one dark solid mass, boiling like a volcano, and the next moment the victorious cry was already on the other side of the barricades. The flow of people is already flooding the porch, entrances, and stairs of the palace.”

In the dead of night, revolutionary troops occupied the Winter Palace. At 2:10 a.m. on October 26 (November 8), the members of the Provisional Government who were there were arrested.

The armed uprising in Petrograd ended victoriously with the capture of the Winter Palace and the arrest of the Provisional Government. It was a remarkable example of the bloodless victory of the people over the bourgeoisie. This was noted by all objective witnesses of the events.

October 25 (November 7), 1917 went down in human history as the day of victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution, which marked the beginning of a new era - the era of communism. This day became a public holiday in the Soviet country.

The victory of the armed uprising was secured by its decisions of the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets, which expressed the interests of the working people. The congress opened in Smolny at 10:45 pm on October 25 (November 7). 402 Soviets were represented at it - more than at the first congress in June 1917. The composition of the congress reflected the balance of class forces that had developed by October 1917. Of the 673 delegates, 390 were the Bolshevik faction, 160 were the Socialist Revolutionary faction, mostly left-wing, 72 - the Menshevik faction; the rest were distributed among small factions or did not indicate party affiliation. 505 delegates brought instructions from their voters demanding the transfer of power to the Soviets.

Thus, the order of the Minsk Council said: “All power in the country should belong only to the Councils of Workers’, Soldiers’ and Peasants’ Deputies. No agreement with the big bourgeoisie, no participation in the capitalist government.”

The order demanded the conclusion of a just democratic peace, the abolition of private ownership of land and its transfer immediately, before the Constituent Assembly, to the peasantry. Another order drawn up by the Lugansk Council noted: “We see the only way out of the current situation in the immediate transfer of power into the hands of the Soviets of Workers’, Soldiers’ and Peasants’ Deputies.” This order also demanded peace without annexations and indemnities on the basis of self-determination of peoples, the dissolution of the Pre-Parliament, and the introduction of workers' control over production. The peasants of the Gdov district wrote that the Provisional Government turned out to be completely unable to carry out the will of the people. “We,” they declared, “from now on and forever can no longer trust the irresponsible government to the people and demand that the All-Russian Congress ... take power into its own hands both in the center and in the localities.”

The masses pinned their best hopes on the transfer of power to the Soviets. This was well expressed in the resolutions of the meetings of workers, soldiers and peasants. The resolution of one of the meetings in the Tambov province read: “We believe that around the Soviets, like around the sun, revolutionary democracy will be organized, which will put an end to the fratricidal war started by the world bourgeoisie. The land will be transferred to the working people, grain growers and peasants without ransom.”

The Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets was opened on behalf of the old Central Executive Committee by the Menshevik F.I. Dan, but immediately the leadership of the congress passed to the Bolsheviks, as the largest party faction. The presidium, formed on the basis of proportional representation, included: from the Bolsheviks - V. I. Lenin, V. A. Antonov-Ovseenko, A. M. Kollontai, N. V. Krylenko, A. V. Lunacharsky, V. P Nogin and others, from the left Socialist Revolutionaries - B. D. Kamkov, V. A. Karelin, M. A. Spiridonova. The leaders of the right Socialist Revolutionaries, Mensheviks and Bundists refused to join the presidium. They made an open break with the Soviets, coming out with a direct defense of the counter-revolutionary Provisional Government and slanderously calling the October Revolution a “military conspiracy.” This group of traitors left the congress and headed to the city Duma, where, together with the cadets, they took part in the creation of a counter-revolutionary center called the “Committee for the Salvation of the Motherland and the Revolution.” The congress delegates saw off the compromise leaders with exclamations: “Deserters!”, “Traitors!” The Bolshevik faction announced a resolution which stated: “The departure of the compromisers does not weaken the Soviets, but strengthens them, since it cleanses the workers’ and peasants’ revolution of counter-revolutionary impurities.”

Late at night, participants in the storming of the Winter Palace arrived at the congress meeting. The Congress enthusiastically greeted the news of the fall of the Winter Palace and the arrest of members of the Provisional Government.

Following this, the Second Congress of Soviets adopted the appeal written by V. I. Lenin “To workers, soldiers and peasants!” It said: “Relying on the will of the vast majority of workers, soldiers and peasants, relying on the victorious uprising of the workers and garrison that took place in Petrograd, the congress takes power into its own hands” ( V.I. Lenin, Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies October 25-26 (November 7-8), 1917 To workers, soldiers and peasants! Soch., vol. 26, p. 215.).

The appeal proclaimed the transfer of local power to the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies, which must ensure a genuine revolutionary order. Thus, the congress declared Russia a Soviet republic, and Soviet power - the only legitimate power in the country.

The appeal contained a program for the activities of the Soviet government: a proposal for immediate democratic peace between the warring countries, the gratuitous transfer of landowners', appanage and monastic lands to the disposal of peasant committees, the establishment of workers' control over production, ensuring all nations inhabiting Russia a genuine right to self-determination, and carrying out the complete democratization of the army etc. ( See ibid., pp. 215-216.)

The congress called on the soldiers in the trenches to defend the revolution from all encroachments of imperialism, to be vigilant and steadfast until the new Soviet government achieves the conclusion of a democratic peace. The defense of the socialist state from imperialist aggression has become one of the most important functions of Soviet power.

On the evening of October 26 (November 8), the second and last meeting of the Second Congress of Soviets took place. The congress decided to abolish the death penalty at the front and to immediately release from prison all soldiers and officers arrested for revolutionary activities. In appeals to all provincial and district Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies, to the front, and in an appeal to the Cossacks, the congress called on the working masses in the rear and at the front to actively fight for the power of the Soviets and create a new social and state system.

The focus of the congress was V. I. Lenin’s reports on peace and earth.

“The question of peace,” V. I. Lenin began his speech at the congress, “is a burning question, a sore point of our time. A lot has been said and written about him, and you all have probably discussed him quite a bit. Therefore, let me proceed to read the declaration that your elected government will have to issue" ( V. I. Lenin, Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies October 25-26 (November 7-8), 1917. Peace Report October 26 (November 8), Works, vol. 26, p. 217.). Lenin announced the draft Peace Decree he had drawn up. One of the congress participants says: “... There was such silence, as if people had even stopped breathing. And then it was as if the whole hall breathed a sigh of relief, and after this there was a whirlwind and thunder of applause, joyful shouts... And our congress fulfilled the will of the people - it made a historic decision. Revolutionary Russia became the standard-bearer for world peace, calling on the peoples to end the bloody nightmare of war.”

In the Decree on Peace, the Soviet government invited all warring peoples and their governments to immediately begin negotiations on a just democratic peace without annexations and indemnities. At the same time, it was explained that by annexation the Soviet government “understands, in accordance with the legal consciousness of democracy in general and the working classes in particular, any accession to a large or strong state of a small or weak nationality without the precise, clear and voluntarily expressed consent and desire of this nationality, regardless of when this forcible annexation is carried out regardless of how developed or backward the nation being forcibly annexed or forcibly retained within the borders of a given state is. Finally, regardless of whether this nation lives in Europe or in distant overseas countries.” This definition of annexation, which removed the mask from the colonial system of imperialism, had enormous international significance, especially for the peoples of colonial and dependent countries.

The Peace Decree exposed the imperialist nature of the war, branded its perpetrators and indicated a way out of it. “To continue this war over how to divide the weak nationalities captured by them between strong and rich nations,” the Decree said, “the government considers it the greatest crime against humanity and solemnly declares its determination to immediately sign the terms of peace ending this war at the indicated, equally fair conditions for all without excluding nationalities" ( V. I. Lenin, Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies October 25-26 (November 7-8), 1917. Peace Report October 26 (November 8), Works, vol. 26, p. 218.).

The governments of all warring countries were asked to immediately conclude a truce for a period of at least three months, during which it would be possible to complete peace negotiations with the participation of representatives of all, without exception, nationalities and nations drawn into the war or forced to participate in it, and to convene authorized representative bodies for the final approval of the terms of peace.

The Peace Decree stipulated that the Soviet government would begin to publish secret treaties “confirmed or concluded by the government of landowners and capitalists from February to October 25, 1917,” and the entire contents of these treaties “declares unconditionally and immediately canceled” ( Ibid., p. 219.). Thus, a complete break was made with the imperialist foreign policy of the overthrown regime. At the same time, the Soviet government emphasized that it did not consider its peace terms ultimatum and was ready to discuss the conditions that would be proposed by other powers.

This document was addressed not only to the governments of all the warring powers, but also to the peoples. Addressing especially the class-conscious workers of England, France and Germany, the Soviet government expressed confidence that they would “understand the tasks now incumbent on them to liberate humanity from the horrors of war and its consequences” and would help the Soviet state “successfully complete the cause of peace” ( Ibid., pp. 219-220.).

The Second Congress of Soviets unanimously approved the Decree on Peace, the first decree of Soviet power.

Thus began the long and persistent struggle of the Soviet government for the peace and security of the Soviet country and the peoples of all countries, for the Leninist principles of peaceful coexistence of various social systems, for the development of international relations based on the equality of nations large and small. Emphasizing the desire of the Soviet government to achieve peace with capitalist states, V.I. Lenin said at the congress: “We reject all points about robbery and violence, but we will cordially accept all points where good-neighborly conditions and economic agreements are concluded, we can reject” ( V. I. Lenin, Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies October 25-26 (November 7-8), 1917 Closing speech on the peace report October 26 (November 8), Works, vol. 26, p. 223 .).

V.I. Lenin devoted his second report to the question of land, which, like the question of peace, affected the fundamental interests of the millions of working people. The Decree on Land proposed by Lenin abolished landlord ownership of land immediately and without any redemption. Landowners' estates, as well as all appanage, monastery, and church lands with all their living and dead inventory, manor buildings and all accessories were placed at the disposal of volost land committees and district Soviets of Peasant Deputies. The decree established that “any damage to confiscated property, which henceforth belongs to the entire people, is declared a serious crime punishable by a revolutionary court” ( V. I. Lenin, Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies October 25-26 (November 7-8), 1917. Report on the land October 26 (November 8), Works, vol. 26, p. 226.). It was specifically stipulated that the land of ordinary peasants and ordinary Cossacks was not subject to confiscation.

The Decree on Land declared that the right of private ownership of land was abolished forever and replaced by national, state property. This corresponded to the basic principle of the agrarian program of the Bolshevik Party - the principle of nationalization of land. The sale, purchase, lease of land, and hired labor were prohibited. Equal land use was introduced according to labor or consumer standards with periodic redistribution of the land fund.

The decree was based on a peasant order on land, compiled by the editors of the newspaper “Izvestia of the All-Russian Council of Peasant Deputies” on the basis of 242 local orders that reflected the aspirations of the working peasantry.

The demand to introduce equal land use was contained in the orders of the working peasants, who hoped that this would stop the stratification of the village. V.I. Lenin pointed out that such calculations are an illusion, because the stratification of the countryside is a natural result of the development of a commodity economy. However, although the Bolshevik Party rejected egalitarian land use as a way of social reconstruction of the countryside, it considered it necessary to satisfy the wishes of the peasantry. V.I. Lenin said that “...as a democratic government, we cannot circumvent the resolution of the lower ranks of the people, even if we disagree with it. In the fire of life, applying it in practice, carrying it out on the ground, the peasants themselves will understand where the truth is" ( V. I. Lenin, Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies October 25-26 (November 7-8), 1917. Report on the land October 26 (November 8), Works, vol. 26, p. 228.). The Bolshevik Party showed the right path for the peasantry to emerge from poverty and ruin - the path for the socialist reorganization of the countryside.

The Decree on Land was also unanimously adopted by the congress and became the starting point of the agrarian policy of Soviet power. As a result of the agrarian reforms, peasants received more than 150 million hectares of landowner, appanage, monastery and other lands for free. The cost of the entire land fund transferred by the Soviet government to the working peasantry amounted to billions of gold rubles. The peasants were freed from the annual payment of huge rent payments and from the debt to the peasant land bank in the amount of about 3 billion rubles. and from various other debts, they received landowner inventory worth approximately 300 million rubles.

The working peasantry greeted the Decree on Land with great enthusiasm, which fulfilled their centuries-old dream.

The Second Congress of Soviets formed the workers' and peasants' government of the Russian Republic - the Council of People's Commissars. The great leader of the revolution, founder of the Soviet state, V. I. Lenin, was elected head of the first truly people's government in history. The Council of People's Commissars included representatives of the Bolshevik Party. The Left Socialist Revolutionaries, who were invited by the Bolsheviks to participate in the government, refused this, not wanting to completely break with the Right Socialist Revolutionaries.

The decree on the formation of the Soviet government indicated that control over the activities of people's commissars and the right to remove them belonged to the All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Deputies and the All-Russian Central Executive Committee (VTsIK) elected by it. The All-Russian Central Executive Committee included 101 people, including 62 Bolsheviks, 29 Left Socialist Revolutionaries, 6 Social Democratic Internationalists and 4 representatives of other parties.

The decisions of the Second Congress of Soviets reflected the world-historical fact of the transfer of power in Russia into the hands of the working people - the true creators of history.

As a result of the victory of the February Revolution of 1917, a peculiar situation arose, called dual power: the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, having the main attributes of power - mass support and armed force, did not want to take power, and the Provisional Government, having neither one or the other, personified formal power, was recognized as such by officers and officials, but was maintained only by the support of the Council. “Power without strength and strength without power” - this is how the first head of the Provisional Government, Lvov, defined dual power.

PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT - supreme body of state power March 2-October 24, 1917 First lineup (March 2-May 2-3): non-party G.E. Lvov and M.I. Tereshchenko, cadets P.N. Milyukov, N.V. Nekrasov, A.A. Manuilov, A.I. Shingarev, D.I. Shakhovskoy, Octobrists A.I. Guchkov and I.V. Godnev, progressist A.I. Konovalov, centrist V.N. Lvov, Trudovik A.F. Kerensky ; 1st coalition (May 2-3—July 2): G.E. Lvov, cadets Manuilov, Nekrasov, Shingarev and Shakhovskoy, Octobrist Godnev, progressive Konovalov, centrist V.N. Lvov, Socialist Revolutionary Kerensky, Trudovik P.N. Pereverzev, Mensheviks M.S. Skobelev and I.G. Tsereteli, People's Socialist A.V. Peshekhonov, non-party Tereshchenko; 2nd coalition (July 24-September 1 ): Social Revolutionaries Kerensky, N.D. Avksentyev and V.M. Chernov, people's socialists A.S. Zarudny and Peshekhonov, Mensheviks A.M. Nikitin and M.S. Skobelev, “non-factional Social Democrat” S.N. Prokopovich, cadets A.V. Kartashov, F.F. Kokoshkin, Nekrasov, S.F. Oldenburg and P.P. Yurenev, radical democrat I.N. Efremov, non-party Tereshchenko; Directory (September 1-25): Socialist-Revolutionary Kerensky, Menshevik Nikitin, non-party members Tereshchenko, General A.I. Verkhovsky and Admiral D.N. Verderevsky; 3rd coalition : Socialist Revolutionaries Kerensky and S.D. Maslov, Mensheviks K.A. Gvozdev, P.N. Malyantovich, Nikitin and Prokopovich, cadets A.V. Kartashov, N.M. Kishkin and S.A. Smirnov, progressives M.V. Bernatsky and A.I. Konovalov, non-party Verderevsky, A.V. Liverovsky, S. Salazkin, Tereshchenko and S.N. Tretyakov. It is interesting that of the entire composition of the first government, only A.F. was invariably included in all 5. Kerensky and M.I. Tereshchenko, whom some considered to have gotten there by accident, until the beginning of July cadet N.V. participated in all combinations. Nekrasov. The remaining ministers were constantly changing, leaving far behind the “ministerial leapfrog” of 1914-1916.

THREE CRISES OF AUTHORITY: APRIL CRISIS

The instability of dual power inevitably gave rise to crises of power. The first of them broke out a month and a half after the formation of the Provisional Government. On March 27, the government published a declaration renouncing the policy of annexations and indemnities. This caused puzzled inquiries from the Allied powers. On April 18 (May 1, New Style), the May Day holiday was freely celebrated in Russia for the first time. The new style date was chosen to emphasize solidarity with the proletariat of Western Europe. Mass demonstrations and rallies took place in the capital and throughout the country, among the demands of which an end to the war occupied a prominent place. On the same day, Minister of Foreign Affairs P.N. Miliukov addressed the allied governments with the assurance that the Provisional Government was full of desire to “bring the world war to a decisive victory.” The publication of the telegram, called “Notes of Milyukov,” exposed “revolutionary defencism” and caused demonstrations under the slogan: “Down with Milyukov and Guchkov!” Officers, officials, and intellectuals held a counter-demonstration with the slogan: “Trust in the Provisional Government!” Commander of the Petrograd District troops, General L.G. Kornilov ordered to disperse the demonstrators and bring artillery to Palace Square, but the soldiers refused to carry out the order and reported it to the Council.

Some Bolsheviks went even further, putting forward the slogan: “Down with the Provisional Government!” Lenin considered this premature, because the Provisional Government was maintained not by force, but by the support of the Soviets, i.e. opposition to the government hit the Soviets. He pointed out that the bourgeoisie could sacrifice a couple of ministers in order to save power. Indeed, Milyukov and Guchkov resigned, Kornilov was removed from Petrograd, and the Soviet declared that this was the end of the incident. But the government demanded that the leaders of the Council join it. After much persuasion, the 1st coalition government was formed (a coalition of bourgeois parties with socialist ones: 10 capitalists and 6 socialists), which now included 2 Mensheviks, 2 Trudoviks, 1 Socialist Revolutionary Party and 1 “people's socialist.” Kerensky, who went over to the Socialist Revolutionaries, became Minister of War and Navy.

FROM THE STATE DUMA ADDRESS

Citizens are landowners, landowners, peasants, Cossacks, tenants and everyone who works on the land. We cannot allow the Germans to beat us, we must bring the war to the end. War requires people, shells and bread... Without bread, nothing will happen. Sow everything, sow everyone in his own field, sow as much as possible... All bread and all grain will be bought by the new Government at a fair, non-offensive price...

Chairman of the State Duma M. Rodzianko

"MILYUKOV'S NOTE"

NOTE OF THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT TO THE GOVERNMENTS OF THE ALLIED POWERS

March 27 this year The Provisional Government published an appeal to citizens, which contains a statement of the view of the government of free Russia on the tasks of the present war. The Minister of Foreign Affairs instructs me to inform you of the said document and make the following comments. Our enemies have recently tried to bring discord into inter-allied relations by spreading nonsense messages that Russia is ready to conclude a separate peace with the middle monarchies. The text of the attached document best refutes such fabrications. You will see from it that the general provisions expressed by the Provisional Government are fully consistent with those lofty ideas that were constantly expressed until very recently by many outstanding statesmen of the allied countries and which found especially vivid expression on the part of our new ally, the great transatlantic republic, in speeches its president. The government of the old regime, of course, was not able to assimilate and share these thoughts about the liberating nature of the war, about the creation of solid foundations for the peaceful coexistence of peoples, about the self-determination of oppressed nationalities, etc. But liberated Russia can now speak in a language understandable to advanced democracies of modern humanity, and it is in a hurry to add its voice to the voices of its allies. Imbued with this new spirit of liberated democracy, the statements of the Provisional Government, of course, cannot give the slightest reason to think that the coup that took place entailed a weakening of Russia’s role in the common allied struggle. Quite the opposite, the national desire to bring the world war to a decisive victory only intensified, thanks to the awareness of the common responsibility of everyone. This desire became more effective, being focused on the close and immediate task of repelling the enemy who had invaded the very borders of our homeland. It goes without saying, as stated in the reported document, the Provisional Government, while protecting the rights of our homeland, will fully comply with the obligations assumed in relation to our allies. While it continues to have full confidence in the victorious end of the present war, in full agreement with the allies, it is also absolutely confident that the issues raised by this war will be resolved in the spirit of creating a solid basis for lasting peace and that advanced democracies, imbued with the same aspirations, will find a way to achieve those guarantees and sanctions that are necessary to prevent new bloody clashes in the future.

THREE CRISES OF AUTHORITY: JUNE CRISIS

The Soviets quickly covered the entire country, but for now the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies spoke on their behalf. He took upon himself the task of convening the 1st All-Russian Congress of Soviets. The Bolsheviks decided to mark its opening with a mass demonstration, but the Menshevik-SR majority of the presidium of the congress prohibited demonstrations during its meetings. The Bolsheviks complied and kept the workers and soldiers from marching, showing their growing influence.

On June 18, a demonstration of many thousands took place, authorized by the presidium of the congress. The overwhelming majority came out under the slogans of the Bolsheviks: “All power to the Soviets!”, “Down with the war!”, “Down with 10 capitalist ministers!” and “Long live workers’ control!” Only 3 groups came out under the slogan “Trust in the Provisional Government!”

Even before the overthrow of the tsar, the allies agreed on a plan for a general spring offensive, scheduling its start in April-May. However, under the influence of events in Russia, the operation was postponed to June: the allies were not going to shed blood alone. The offensive began on the Southwestern Front against Austria-Hungary just on the day of the demonstration on June 18. “Today is a great triumph of the revolution,” said Kerensky’s telegram to the Provisional Government. The Russian revolutionary army went on the offensive." In two weeks, part of Galicia was occupied, incl. the cities of Galich and Kalush. It was assumed that the regiments that most distinguished themselves in battles would be solemnly presented with red banners. But this presentation fell through. Again, as during the Brusilov breakthrough of 1916, the remaining fronts did not support the attack. Having regrouped their forces, the Austro-German troops launched a counterattack at the junction of the two armies near Tarnopol in early July. The front shook and ran. Western Ukraine, another part of Belarus and southern Latvia were lost. Hundreds of thousands of refugees poured into the center of Russia.

FROM KERENSKY'S ORDER ON THE ARMY AND NAVY

On May 22, our radiotelegraph stations received a German radiotelegram in which the Commander-in-Chief of the German Eastern Front, Prince Leopold of Bavaria, declares that the powers at war with us are ready to make peace and invite Russia, in addition to its allies, to send commissioners and representatives to negotiate peace conditions... In response to this, the Petrograd Workers' Council and the soldiers' deputies issued the following proclamation: “He (the German Emperor) says he offers our troops what they crave - the path to an honest peace. So, he says, because he knows that Russian democracy will not accept any other world than an honest one. But an “honest peace” for us is only a world without annexations and indemnities... We are offered a separate truce, secret negotiations... Russia has taken upon itself the task of uniting the democracies of all warring countries in the fight against world imperialism. This task will not be completed if the German imperialists manage to use its desire for peace in order to tear it away from its allies and defeat its army... Let the army, with its steadfastness, give strength to the voice of Russian democracy. Let us unite more closely around the banner of the revolution... Let us redouble our efforts to restore Russia’s combat power.”

Minister of War and Navy KERENSKY

THREE CRISES OF AUTHORITY: JULY EVENTS

On July 2, the Cadets left the government under the pretext of disagreement with the decision of the majority to recognize the Ukrainian Central Rada. Volunteer formations loyal to the government - shock battalions - were brought to the capital. At the same time, 6 regiments, including reserve machine-gun regiments, received orders to go to the front. This was a violation of the March agreement between the Council and the government not to withdraw the Petrograd garrison from the capital. The machine gunners sent agitators to the regiments and factories with a call to action. This took the Bolshevik leadership by surprise. Lenin at that time went to Finland on vacation, but upon learning about the events in Petrograd, he urgently returned. At a meeting of the Party Central Committee, he overcame the resistance of the leaders of the Military Organization and achieved a decision on a peaceful demonstration. However, events got out of control. On July 4, thousands of armed soldiers, sailors arriving from Kronstadt, and workers filled the city center. The main slogan of the armed demonstration was to put pressure on the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the Soviets in order to create a Soviet government. However, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee rejected this demand. The command had placed machine guns in the attics in advance. Anarchist-minded demonstrators began shooting into the attics, from where they also returned fire. According to doctors, there were 16 killed, 40 died from wounds and about 650 were injured.

The Provisional Government and the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the Soviets accused the Bolsheviks of plotting to take power. Arrests of their leaders began, and the editorial office of their newspaper “Pravda” was destroyed. Troops loyal to the government were called from the front. Lenin's accusation of espionage for Germany was reported to the newspapers.

On July 7, an order was given for Lenin's arrest. He himself was at first inclined to appear himself, but the Central Committee considered that there was no guarantee of his safety: he would simply be killed on the way. Therefore, Lenin and Zinoviev hid first in Petrograd, then near Sestroretsk, in a hut behind Lake Razliv, and in the fall they moved to Finland. The charges against them were never pursued.

The rebel regiments were disarmed and disbanded. The government reinstated the death penalty for disobeying orders at the front (July 12). Prime Minister Lvov resigned. His place was taken by Kerensky, who retained the post of Minister of War and Navy. The formation of the 2nd coalition government took almost a month. At the end of July it was composed of 8 representatives of the bourgeoisie, 7 socialists and 2 non-party members.

The decision of the Provisional Government to go on the offensive at the front, as well as its compromise agreement with the Central Rada, which demanded broad autonomy for Ukraine, provoked a new political crisis, the consequences of which turned out to be very far-reaching. The July events radically changed the situation. Having pulled up units loyal to him to the capital, the Provisional Government finally received armed support. The Soviets, having agreed to disarmament and the withdrawal of revolutionary regiments from Petrograd, rejected this support. Dual power, and with it the peaceful period of the revolution, ended.

TELEGRAM OF COMMISSIONERS

OF THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT FROM THE 11TH ARMY ABOUT THE SITUATION ON THE FRONT IN EARLY JULY

“The offensive impulse was quickly exhausted. Some units leave their positions without permission, without even waiting for the enemy to approach. For hundreds of miles to the rear, lines of fugitives stretch with and without guns - healthy, cheerful, feeling completely unpunished. Sometimes entire units retreat like this... Today, the commander-in-chief, with the consent of the commissars and committees, gave the order to shoot at those fleeing.”

STATE MEETING

The government remained temporary, not responsible to anyone. To consolidate his victory over the Soviets, Kerensky planned “in view of the exceptionality of the events being experienced and in order to unify state power with all the organized forces of the country” to convene a supposedly representative body, but in reality a body selected by the government instead of the Constituent Assembly, with preparation which was not in a hurry. Of the 2,500 participants in the State Conference, delegates of the central executive committees of the Soviets made up 229 people, the rest were deputies of the State Dumas of all 4 convocations, representatives of trade, industry and banks, zemstvos, army and navy, trade unions, cooperation unions of the intelligentsia, national organizations and the clergy. The majority were cadets and monarchists. Local Soviets were not represented, the Bolshevik members of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the Soviets were excluded from its delegation (some still came from the trade unions, but they were not given the floor). For greater peace, the State Conference was convened not in Petrograd, but in seemingly conservative Moscow. The Bolsheviks declared this meeting a conspiracy of counter-revolution. On the day of its opening, August 12, they organized a General Political Strike in Moscow, in which 400 thousand people took part. Factories, power plants, and trams stopped working. Most of the delegates traveled on foot; the huge hall of the Bolshoi Theater, where they gathered, was lit by candles.

Official speakers competed in the severity of their threats. Kerensky promised to crush attempts to resist the government “with iron and blood.” But the true hero of the day was General Kornilov, who had recently been appointed supreme commander-in-chief. The officers carried him out of the station in their arms, and the delegates gave him a standing ovation. He announced a program for restoring order: there should be three armies - an army at the front, an army in the rear and transport. He demanded the restoration of the death penalty in the rear, and iron discipline in factories. As a result of the State Conference, two centers of power emerged: the Provisional Government and the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief.

KORNILOVSHCHINA

On August 27, 1917, Kornilov opposed the Provisional Government, moving the 3rd Cavalry Corps under the command of Lieutenant General Krymov to Petrograd to suppress revolutionary uprisings and restore order in the capital. . On the same day, Kerensky sent radiograms everywhere declaring Kornilov a rebel and demanding that he surrender the post of Supreme Commander-in-Chief and introduced martial law in Petrograd. In response, Kornilov declared Kerensky’s words a complete lie and accused the Provisional Government that “under pressure from the Bolshevik majority of the Soviets (which did not yet exist) it was acting in full agreement with the plans of the German General Staff...” Two front commanders out of five (A.I. Denikin and V.N. Klembovsky) supported Kornilov. After the generals who were offered the post of Supreme Commander-in-Chief, one after another, declined this honor, Kerensky himself declared himself Supreme Commander-in-Chief.

On August 27, the Bolsheviks called on workers and soldiers to repel the rebels. The legal arming of the previously emerged and the creation of new Red Guard units began. The Kornilov trains were delayed en route by railway workers. On the route of movement of the 3rd Cavalry Corps, barriers were built and rails were dismantled. More than 20 thousand rifles were transferred from the arsenal to the Petrograd workers, which later played a decisive role in the October Uprising. At the vanguard of the 3rd Corps they placed the Native (or Wild) Division of Chechens, Ingush, Ossetians and other mountaineers of the North Caucasus: not knowing the Russian language, they seemed to be a reliable force in the fight against the Soviets. However, on the advice of S.M. Kirov sent a delegation of elders of the Caucasian peoples who were in Petrograd to meet the mountaineers. They explained in their native language where they were being taken and why, and they refused to move on.

Having given the order to unload from the carriages and move on horseback, General Krymov arrived alone in Petrograd by car and appeared to Kerensky. The content of their loud conversation still remains a mystery, because after it, according to the official version, Krymov shot himself. On August 29-September 2, Kornilov and the generals - his supporters - were arrested and taken into custody in the district town of Bykhov in the premises of a women's gymnasium. They were guarded by Turkmen volunteers of the Tekin cavalry regiment loyal to Kornilov.

The coup attempt undertaken by Kornilov was unsuccessful. Kerensky, having assumed the post of Commander-in-Chief, simultaneously headed the Council of Five (Directory), consisting of: Minister-Chairman Kerensky, Foreign Affairs - Tereshchenko, Minister of War - Colonel A.I. Verkhovsky, naval - Admiral D.N. Verderevsky, posts and telegraphs - Menshevik A.M. Nikitin. to whom the Provisional Government transferred power. On September 1, Russia was declared a Republic, but this could no longer stop the growth of radical revolutionary sentiment among the masses. Negotiations on the creation of a new government dragged on until September 25, when they finally succeeded in forming the third and final coalition government: 4 Mensheviks, 3 Cadets, 2 Socialist Revolutionaries, 2 Progressives and 6 non-party members. To support the Directory, at the suggestion of Kerensky, the Socialist-Revolutionary-Menshevik All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies and the Socialist Revolutionary Central Executive Committee of the Soviets of Peasants' Deputies convened on September 14 the so-called “Democratic Conference” of more than 1.5 thousand delegates from the Soviets, trade unions, army and navy committees, cooperation, national councils and other public organizations. It was distinguished from the State Conference by its more left-wing composition and the lack of representation of bourgeois-landowner parties and unions. The Bolsheviks - representatives of a number of Soviets, trade unions, factory committees - were a minority, but they were supported by a significant part of non-party delegates. On September 19, the Democratic Conference adopted a resolution against the creation of a government in a coalition with the Cadets, and most of the Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks voted against the coalition. On September 20, the presidium of the Conference decided to separate from its composition the All-Russian Democratic Council, also known as the Provisional Council of the Russian Republic (Pre-Parliament), in proportion to the number of its groups and factions. It was intended to become, until the Constituent Assembly, a representative body to which the Provisional Government was to be responsible. The first meeting of the Pre-Parliament took place on September 23. From him Kerensky obtained approval for a coalition with the Cadets. However, these measures could not lead the country out of the systemic crisis. Kornilov's speech revealed a split in ruling circles. The Bolsheviks benefited from this, winning a majority in the Soviets.

KORNILOV AT THE STATE MEETING

August 1917

“With deep sorrow, I must openly declare that I have no confidence that the Russian army will fulfill its duty to its homeland without hesitation... The enemy is already knocking at the gates of Riga, and unless the instability of our army gives us the opportunity to hold on to the coast of the Gulf of Riga, the road to Petrograd will be open... It is impossible to allow determination... to appear every time under the pressure of defeats and concessions to domestic territory. If decisive measures to improve discipline at the front followed as a result of the Tarnopol defeat and the loss of Galicia and Bukovina, then we cannot allow order in the rear to be a consequence of our loss of Riga.”

Quote by: Lekhovich D.V. Whites against reds. M., 1992

WHO SUPPORTED KORNILOV AND HOW IN AUGUST 1917

It should be noted that the public opinion of the allied countries and their governments, which at first were extremely favorably disposed towards Kerensky, changed sharply after the July defeat of the army... Foreign military representatives maintained even more definite and quite friendly relations towards the Supreme [Kornilov]. Many of them introduced themselves to Kornilov these days, bringing him assurances of their respect and sincere wishes for success; the British representative did this in a particularly touching manner. Words and feelings. In reality, they appeared only in the declaration presented to Tereshchenko on August 28 by Buchanan, as the elder of the diplomatic corps. In it, in elegant diplomatic form, the ambassadors unanimously declared that “in the interests of humanity and in the desire to eliminate irreparable actions, they offer their good offices (intermediaries) in the sole desire to serve the interests of Russia and the cause of the Allies.” However, Kornilov did not expect or look for more realistic forms of intervention at that time.

Russian public support? Something miraculous happened: the Russian public suddenly and without a trace disappeared. Miliukov, perhaps two or three other prominent figures stubbornly and persistently supported in Petrograd the need for reconciliation with Kornilov and a radical reorganization of the Provisional Government... The liberal press, including Rech and Russian Word, in the first days in calm, loyal articles This is how the elements of the speech were defined: the “criminality” of the methods of struggle, the correctness of its goals (“subordination of the entire life of the country to the interests of defense”) and the soilness of the movement, due to the situation of the country and the mistakes of the authorities. They talked rather timidly about reconciliation... That's all... Officers? There was no doubt that the mass of the officers were entirely on Kornilov’s side and were watching with bated breath the vicissitudes of the struggle, which was vitally close to them; but, not attracted to it in advance on a large scale and in a solid organization, in the environment in which it lived, the officers could only provide moral support.

Denikin A.I. Essays on Russian Troubles. M., 1991

ABOUT THE ARREST OF THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT

FROM A REPORT TO THE MILITARY REVOLUTIONARY COMMITTEE

On October 25, at 2:10 a.m., they were arrested... by order of the [Military Revolutionary] Committee: Rear Admiral Verderevsky, Minister of State Charity Kishkin, Minister of Trade and Industry Konovalov, Minister of Agriculture Maslov, Minister of Transport Liverovsky, the head of the military ministry, General [general] Manikovsky, the minister of labor Gvozdev, the minister of justice Malyantovich, the chairman of the economic committee Tretyakov, the general for assignments Borisov, the state controller Smirnov, the minister of education Salazkin, the minister of finance Bernatsky, the minister of foreign affairs Tereshchenko, assistants to the special representative of the Provisional Government Rutenberg and Palchinsky, Minister of Posts and Telegraphs and Internal Affairs Nikitin and Minister of Confessions Kartashev.

The officers and cadets were disarmed and released, three folders and the briefcase of the Minister of Public Education were taken. The commandant of the Winter Palace appointed a delegate to the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Soldiers of the Preobrazhensky Regiment, Comrade. Chudnovsky. All ministers were sent to the Peter and Paul Fortress. Chistyakov, who was accompanying Minister Tereshchenko, disappeared...

“TAKE USE OF THE WAR TO CARRY OUT A COUP”

FROM A LETTER OF THE LEADER OF THE CADET PARTY, FORMER MINISTER OF THE FIRST PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT P.N. MILYUKOV TO FORMER MEMBER OF THE COUNCIL OF MONARCHICAL CONGRESSES I.V. REVENKO

End of December 1917 - beginning of January 1918

In response to the question you posed, how I now look at the revolution we have accomplished, what I expect from the future and how I assess the role and influence of existing parties and organizations, I am writing you this letter, I admit, with a heavy heart. We didn't want what happened. You know that our goal was limited to achieving a republic or a monarchy with an emperor having only nominal power; the prevailing influence of the intelligentsia in the country and equal rights for Jews.

We did not want complete devastation, although we knew that the coup would in any case have an unfavorable effect on the war. We believed that power would be concentrated and remain in the hands of the first cabinet of ministers, that we would quickly stop the temporary devastation in the army and the country and, if not with our own hands, then with the hands of the allies, we would achieve victory over Germany, paying for the overthrow of the tsar by some delay of this victory.

We must admit that some even from our party pointed out to us the possibility of what happened later. Yes, we ourselves, not without some anxiety, followed the progress of the organization of the working masses and propaganda in the army.

What to do: we made a mistake in one direction in 1905 - now we made a mistake again, but in the other. Then they underestimated the strength of the extreme right, now they did not foresee the dexterity and unscrupulousness of the socialists. You can see the results for yourself.

It goes without saying that the leaders of the Soviet of Workers' Deputies are leading us to defeat and financial economic collapse quite deliberately. The outrageous posing of the question of peace without annexations and indemnities, in addition to its complete senselessness, has already radically ruined our relations with our allies and undermined our credit. Of course, this was not a surprise to the inventors.

I won’t tell you why they needed all this, I’ll briefly say that the role played here was partly by conscious betrayal, partly by the desire to fish in troubled waters, and partly by a passion for popularity. But, of course, we must admit that the moral responsibility for what happened lies with us, that is, with the bloc of parties in the State Duma.

You know that we made a firm decision to use the war to carry out a coup soon after the start of this war. Note also that we could not wait any longer, because we knew that at the end of April or the beginning of May our army had to go on the offensive, the results of which would immediately completely stop all hints of discontent and would cause an explosion of patriotism and jubilation in the country.

You understand now why I hesitated at the last minute to agree to carry out the coup; you also understand what my internal state must be at the present time. History will curse our leaders, the so-called proletarians, but will also curse us, who caused the storm. What to do now, you ask... I don’t know. That is, inside we both know that the salvation of Russia lies in the return to the monarchy, we know that all the events of the last two months have clearly proven that the people were not able to accept freedom, that the mass of the population who do not participate in rallies and congresses are monarchist-minded, that many many agitating for a republic do so out of fear. All this is clear, but we simply cannot admit it. Recognition is the collapse of our entire life’s work, the collapse of the entire worldview of which we are representatives. We cannot recognize, we cannot resist, we cannot unite with those rightists, submit to those rightists with whom we fought for so long and with such success. That's all I can say now.

Of course, this letter is strictly confidential. You can show it only to members of the circle you know.

Provisional Government Provisional government

in Russia, formed after the February Revolution of 1917 and the abdication of Emperor Nicholas II by the Provisional Committee of the State Duma with the consent of the leaders of the Petrograd Soviet for the period until the convening of the Constituent Assembly. The highest executive and administrative body also performed legislative functions. Valid from March 2 (15) to October 25 (November 7), 1917; 4 compositions of the Provisional Government were replaced: 1st composition (2 Octobrists, 8 cadets and those adjacent to them, 1 Trudovik, then a Socialist Revolutionary; chairman - cadet G. E. Lvov) until May 6 (19); 2nd (1 Octobrist, 8 cadets and associates, 3 Socialist-Revolutionaries, 2 Mensheviks; chairman - Lvov) - until July 24 (August 6); 3rd (7 cadets and associates, 5 Socialist-Revolutionaries and People’s Socialists, 3 Mensheviks; chairman - Socialist-Revolutionary A.F. Kerensky) - until September 1 (14) (transferred power to the “Directory”); 4th (6 cadets and associates, 2 Socialist-Revolutionaries, 4 Mensheviks, 6 non-party members; chairman - Kerensky) - from September 25 (October 8). In its program, set out in the declaration [published on March 3 (16)] and an address to Russian citizens on March 6 (19), it proclaimed the principle of “continuity of power” and “continuity of law”, declared its desire to bring the war “to a victorious end” and fulfill all treaties and agreements concluded with the Allied powers of the Entente. It legalized the destruction of the police apparatus, the arrest of members of the Council of Ministers, abolished political hard labor and exile, and declared a political amnesty. He promised to introduce political freedoms, convene a Constituent Assembly, and replace the police with people's militia. Adopted a law on freedom of assembly and association; issued decrees on the transfer to the state of lands belonging to the imperial family, on working committees at industrial enterprises; announced the introduction of a grain monopoly. On September 1 (14), the Russian Republic was proclaimed. Overthrown during an armed uprising organized by the Bolsheviks in October 1917.

PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT

PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT - the highest body of state power and administration in Russia (cm. RUSSIA (state)) from March 2 (15) to October 25 (November 7), 1917; arose during the days of the February Revolution during negotiations between members of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma and the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet. Being the highest executive and administrative body, the Provisional Government also performed legislative functions. The local authorities of the Provisional Government were provincial and district commissars.
The idea of ​​creating a government (cm. GOVERNMENT)“public trust” or “national defense” appeared in mid-1915, when, under the impression of the defeats of the Russian army at the front, the Progressive Bloc, in opposition to the tsarist regime, took shape in the State Duma and the State Council. In August 1915 alone, six lists of candidates for this government were drawn up, in four of which Prince G.E. was listed as its head. Lvov, Chairman of the All-Russian Zemstvo Union. It was assumed that the government, composed of representatives of parliamentary parties, would be more capable than the ministers appointed by Emperor Nicholas II Alexandrovich of his own choice.
Formation of the Provisional Government
The first composition of the Provisional Government included the Minister-Chairman and the Minister of Internal Affairs - Prince G.E. Lviv (cm. LVOV Georgy Evgenievich), Ministers: Foreign Affairs - P.N. Miliukov (cadet), military and naval - A.I. Guchkov (Octobrist), communications - N.V. Nekrasov (cadet), trade and industry - A.I. Konovalov (progressive), finance - M.I. Tereshchenko (non-party), education - A.A. Manuilov (cadet), agriculture - A.I. Shingarev (cadet), Justice - A.F. Kerensky (Trudovik, since March - Socialist Revolutionary), Chief Prosecutor of the Synod - V.N. Lvov (center), state controller - I.V. Godnev (Octobrist). The leading role in it was played by the leader of the Cadet Party P.N. Miliukov and Octobrist leader A.I. Guchkov. Already during the formation of the Provisional Government, it was necessary to take into account the opinion of the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies that arose in Petrograd. In particular, the issue of introducing the post of Minister of Labor, which would be occupied by the leader of the Petrograd Soviet N.S., was considered. Chkheidze. During the February Revolution, the leadership of the Soviets agreed to transfer power to the Provisional Government, but in practice, a situation of dual power immediately developed in the country, with real power gradually flowing into the hands of the Soviets. Without the support of the Soviets, the Provisional Government could not exist and operate for the first four months. On March 9 (22), the US government was the first to recognize it, on March 11 (24) - Great Britain and France.
The Provisional Government outlined its program in a declaration (cm. DECLARATION (document)), published on March 3 (16), and then in an appeal to Russian citizens on March 6 (19). The Provisional Government announced the beginning of preparations for the convening of the Constituent Assembly, a number of democratic freedoms, political amnesty, and the replacement of the police with the people's militia. The Provisional Government declared its desire to bring the war “to a victorious end” and to fulfill the treaties and agreements concluded by the Tsar with the allied powers. Nothing was said about the eight-hour working day, about agrarian reform, which made the government’s position convenient for criticism from the radical left opposition.
On April 12 (25), the law was adopted (cm. LAW (in law)) on freedom of assembly and association. In agrarian policy, the Provisional Government limited itself to a decree on the transfer of cabinet lands to the state (March 12 (25)) and appanage lands (March 16 (29)). On March 9 (22), an order was issued to bring peasants to criminal liability for participating in “agrarian riots.” On March 19 (April 1), in a special appeal, the Provisional Government recognized the need for land reform, but declared all unauthorized seizures of land illegal. On April 11 (24), the law “On the Protection of Crops” was issued, which guaranteed compensation for losses in the event of “popular unrest.” The Provisional Government promised to bring the agrarian question to the decision of the Constituent Assembly. In order to prepare materials on the land issue for the Constituent Assembly, by resolution of April 21 (May 4), main, provincial, district and volost land committees were created.
In an effort to preserve the unity of the Russian state, the Provisional Government refused to recognize the right to self-determination and autonomy for individual peoples (Finland, Ukraine) until this issue was resolved by the Constituent Assembly (cm. CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY). The right to state secession was recognized for foreign policy reasons in the appeal of March 17 (30) for Poland. The law of April 23 (May 6) on workers' committees in industrial enterprises formally legalized the factory committees that had arisen everywhere. In food policy, the Provisional Government on March 25 (April 7) declared the introduction of a grain monopoly. In the financial field, it announced on March 8 (21) that it would assume all domestic and foreign financial obligations of the tsarist government. In the field of foreign policy, a course was pursued to strengthen ties with allies, especially with the United States.
August and July crises
Internal contradictions and population dissatisfaction with the policies of the Provisional Government led to government crises. April crisis (cm. APRIL CRISIS) led to the creation of the first coalition government on May 5 (18). On May 2-3 (15-16) P.N. left the Provisional Government. Miliukov and A.I. Guchkov, and six socialist ministers were included in the government, by agreement with the executive committee of the Petrograd Soviet. The coalition government included the Chairman Minister and the Minister of Internal Affairs - G.E. Lvov, ministers: military and naval - A.F. Kerensky, justice - P.N. Pereverzev (trudovik), foreign affairs - M.I. Tereshchenko, communications - N.V. Nekrasov, trade and industry - A.I. Konovalov, public education - A.A. Manuilov, finance - A.I. Shingarev, agriculture - V.M. Chernov (Socialist Revolutionary), Posts and Telegraphs - I.G. Tsereteli (Menshevik), labor - M.I. Skobelev (Menshevik), food - A.V. Peshekhonov (people's socialist), state charity - Prince D.I. Shakhovskoy (cadet), Chief Prosecutor of the Synod - V.N. Lvov, state controller - I.V. Godnev.
Refusal of the Provisional Government to resume the activities of the State Duma (cm. STATE DUMA of the Russian Empire), the confrontation with the Provisional Committee of the State Duma gave rise to the problem of the government's legitimacy. Forced to destroy the law enforcement system, the Provisional Government was unable to build a new, similar mechanism through which it could implement its decisions. It was unable to rely on the public executive committees that arose everywhere after the February Revolution, which included delegates from various political forces. The Provisional Government transferred local power to a specially created institution of commissars. In April G.E. Lvov issued a circular which directly stated that the provincial commissar was assigned the rights and responsibilities of former governors. New appointees often did not have the necessary administrative experience in the community. The new government initially did not inspire confidence, and the social differentiation of society and the aggravation of political struggle led to the polarization of forces between the left and right flanks, gradually strengthening the main opponents of the Provisional Government - the Soviets.
On June 18 (July 1), the Provisional Government launched an army that did not want to fight on the offensive on the Southwestern Front. The Provisional Government was unable to effectively combat devastation and hunger, limiting itself to bureaucratic measures to regulate certain leading industries. Growing dissatisfaction with the policies of the coalition government manifested itself during the June 1917 demonstration. Aggravation of the external and internal political situation as a result of the failure of the June offensive at the front, disagreements among ministers on the issue of attitude towards the Ukrainian Central Rada (cm. CENTRAL RADA), the failed attempt by the Bolsheviks to seize power during demonstrations by armed soldiers, sailors and workers on July 3–5 caused a new government crisis.
The July crisis led to the elimination of dual power in the country. July 2 (15) group of cadet ministers - A.I. Shingarev, A.A. Manuilov and D.I. Shakhovskaya resigned. Following the cadets, on July 7 (20), the head of the Provisional Government, Prince G.E., resigned. Lviv. A.F. was appointed minister-chairman. Kerensky, with his retaining the posts of military and naval minister. The Socialist-Revolutionary-Menshevik leadership of the Central Executive Committee of the Soviets declared the Kerensky government “the government of saving the revolution,” recognizing its unlimited powers. Petrograd was declared under martial law, repressions and arrests of Bolsheviks began. On July 7 (20), the Provisional Government issued a decree to arrest and bring to trial V.I. Lenin. On the same day, a resolution was adopted to disband the military units of the Petrograd garrison that took part in the July demonstration. On July 12 (25), the death penalty was introduced at the front and military revolutionary courts were established on the model of the tsarist military courts. In the declaration of July 8 (21), the Provisional Government promised to begin socio-economic reforms, but was unable to fulfill its promises.
On July 24 (August 6), the second coalition government was formed. It included the Minister-Chairman, the Minister of War and the Navy - A.F. Kerensky (cm. KERENSKY Alexander Fedorovich), Deputy Chairman and Minister of Finance - N.V. Nekrasov (radical democratic party); Ministers: Internal Affairs - N.D. Avksentyev (Socialist Revolutionary), Foreign Affairs - M.I. Tereshchenko, Justice - A.S. Zarudny (people's socialist), education - S.F. Oldenburg (cadet), trade and industry - S.N. Prokopovich (non-factional Social Democrat), agriculture - V.M. Chernov, post and telegraph offices - A.M. Nikitin (Menshevik), labor - M.I. Skobelev, food - A.V. Peshekhonov, state charity - I.N. Efremov (radical democratic party), communications - P.P. Yurenev (cadet), chief prosecutor of the Synod - A.V. Kartashev (cadet), state controller - F.F. Kokoshkin (cadet).
Kornilov rebellion and October Revolution
On August 3 (16), the new Supreme Commander-in-Chief General L.G. Kornilov (cm. KORNILOV Lavr Georgievich) demanded from the Provisional Government the militarization of factories, factories, railways and the introduction of the death penalty in the rear. Great Britain, France, and the United States put pressure on the Provisional Government, demanding that it restore order in the rear and at the front. Trying to find political support, the Provisional Government convened a State Conference in Moscow on August 12 (25). The leader of the right-wing counter-revolutionary forces was L.G. Kornilov, who on August 25 (September 7) moved troops to Petrograd. The Kornilov rebellion was suppressed with the involvement of Red Guard troops. The new crisis, the government crisis, has become the most acute and prolonged. In search of a way out, it was decided on September 1 (14), 1917, to temporarily transfer power to the Council of Five, or Directory. Its composition included the Minister-Chairman - A.F. Kerensky, Minister of Foreign Affairs - M.I. Tereshchenko, Minister of War - A.I. Verkhovsky, appointed on August 30 (September 12), Minister of Marine - D.N. Verderevsky, appointed on August 30 (September 12), Minister of Posts and Telegraphs - A.M. Nikitin. The democratic meeting of September 14-22 (September 27 - October 5) was convened to resolve the issue of organizing power, but failed to do so.
On September 25 (October 8), the third coalition government was formed, which included the Chairman Minister and the Supreme Commander-in-Chief (cm. SUPREME COMMANDER IN CHIEF)- A.F. Kerensky, Deputy Minister-Chairman, Minister of Trade and Industry - A.I. Konovalov (cadet), ministers: foreign affairs - M.I. Tereshchenko, military man - A.I. Verkhovsky, marine - D.N. Verderevsky (both non-party members), labor - K.A. Gvozdev (Menshevik), Justice - P.N. Malyantovich (Menshevik), food - S.N. Prokopovich, finance - M.V. Bernatsky, education - S.S. Salazkin, charity - N.M. Kishkin (cadet), post and telegraph - A.M. Nikitin, state control - S.A. Smirnov (cadet), confession - A.V. Kartashev, communications - A.V. Liverovsky, Chairman of the Economic Council - S.N. Tretyakov. On October 3 (16), the Socialist Revolutionary S.L. was appointed to the post of Minister of Agriculture. Maslov. On October 7 (20), the Provisional Council of the Russian Republic (Pre-Parliament) was convened, which had the goal of preventing the collapse of state power and directing the development of the country along the path of parliamentarism.
Being in a permanent crisis, the Provisional Government was late in making the decisions necessary to strengthen power. “Temporary regulations on provincial (regional) and district commissars” was published only on September 25. The adopted laws in the field of state construction were delayed in implementation. For example, elections to district zemstvo institutions on the basis of the law of May 21 ended only in early December 1917, and the opening of new provincial zemstvo institutions was scheduled only for March 1, 1918. The slowness and half-heartedness of socio-economic reforms, miscalculations in state building contributed to the growing national crisis, which led to the October Revolution (cm. OCTOBER REVOLUTION 1917) and the transfer of power into the hands of the Soviets.
In the fall of 1917, economic devastation in the country intensified. The government actively printed paper money; at the beginning of March there were 9.9 billion rubles of paper money in circulation, at the beginning of September there were already 15.4 billion rubles. State debt (cm. STATE DEBT) by October 1917 it reached 50 billion rubles. In a crisis of power, the Bolshevik Party led by V.I. Lenin began to violently seize power. During the October armed uprising, on the night of October 26 (November 8) at 2:10 a.m., the Provisional Government was arrested in the Winter Palace. Only A.F. Kerensky managed to escape from the capital on the morning of October 25 (November 7). The Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, which opened on October 25 (November 7), proclaimed the transfer of all power to the soviets and created the first Soviet government headed by Lenin.
Composition of ministers of the Provisional Government
All members of the Provisional Government were formed on a coalition basis. In total, 39 people participated in all government compositions. In general, liberal-minded figures prevailed, which was reflected in the entire course of domestic and foreign policy. The stay in ministerial posts was short-lived, 23 people performed their duties for no more than two months. In such a short period of time, they could only solve urgent current affairs and could not do any work for the future.
Sixteen ministers of the Provisional Government were previously deputies of the State Duma of different convocations (I.V. Godnev, A.I. Guchkov, I.N. Efremov, A.F. Kerensky, F.F. Kokoshkin, F.I. Rodichev, P. N. Milyukov, I.G. Tsereteli, V.N. Lvov, A.I. Shingarev), led factions and Duma commissions. Eighteen people were elected by the councilors (cm. VOWELS (in history)) zemstvos and city dumas. 31 people had higher education, of which 24 graduated from universities. Two - S.S. Salazkin and A.I. Shingarev - had two higher educations, graduating from the faculties of physics, mathematics and medicine. Among the government members were Academician S.F. Oldenburg, three professors (A.A. Manuilov, N.V. Nekrasov, S.S. Salazkin), five private assistant professors (M.V. Bernatsky, I.V. Godnev, A.V. Kartashev, F.F. Kokoshkin, P.N. Milyukov).
Most of the ministers were lawyers - 11 people, doctors, economists and engineers - four each, military men - three, five people graduated from the Faculty of History and Philology. By occupation, university teachers were in first place - 8 people, followed by industrialists (5), lawyers (4), landowners (3). For six ministers, the main business of life was illegal party work. Most members of the Provisional Government were in conflict with the autocratic government. Ten people (N.D. Avksentyev, K.L. Gvozdev, P.P. Maslov, P.N. Milyukov, A.M. Nikitin, S.N. Prokopovich, S.S. Salazkin, M.I. Skobelev , I.G. Tsereteli, V.M. Chernov) went through prisons and exile, six were expelled from educational institutions (N.D. Avksentyev, A.I. Verkhovsky, P.P. Maslov, A.V. Peshekhonov, I. A.G. Tsereteli, V.M. Chernov), five people were deprived of the right to teach or were forced to leave work in educational institutions (A.V. Kartashev, F.F. Kokoshkin, A.A. Manuilov, P.N. Milyukov, S.S. Salazkin), three (F.F. Kokoshkin, A.V. Peshekhonov, F.I. Rodichev) were subject to administrative persecution.
By class, 21 people were nobles (cm. NOBILITY), including three (G.E. Lvov, I.G. Tsereteli, D.I. Shakhovskoy) had the title of prince. People from peasant backgrounds were K.L. Gvozdev and A.V. Kartashev. The average age of ministers was 46 years. The oldest (61 years old) were I.V. Godnev and F.I. Rodichev, the youngest (31 years old) - A.I. Verkhovsky and M.I. Tereshchenko. Twelve ministers were members of Masonic organizations.
The further fate of the members of the Provisional Government reflected the attitude of the Russian intelligentsia towards the revolution. Sixteen former ministers collaborated with the Soviet government in one form or another, 23 people emigrated and initially carried out anti-Soviet activities. Later, some of them changed their views. Rear Admiral D.N. Verderevsky shortly before his death accepted Soviet citizenship, A.V. Peshekhonov worked as a consultant at the USSR trade mission in the Baltic states, S.N. Tretyakov collaborated in exile with Soviet intelligence and was executed by the Nazis.

encyclopedic Dictionary. 2009 .

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Provisional Government- in Russia, the first democratic government formed after the overthrow of Emperor Nicholas II. Formed after the February Revolution by the Temporary Committee of members of the State Duma with the consent of the leaders of the Petrograd Soviet for the period until the convocation... ... Illustrated Encyclopedic Dictionary

PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT, formed during the February Revolution, after the abdication of Emperor Nicholas II, by the Provisional Committee of members of the State Duma with the consent of the leaders of the Petrograd Soviet for the period until the convening of the Constituent Assembly.... ... Russian history