Parting

Who was in power before Stalin. Who was the president of the USSR and the Russian Federation. reference

Over the 69 years of the existence of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, several people have become the head of the country. The first ruler of the new state was Vladimir Ilyich Lenin (real name Ulyanov), who led the Bolshevik Party during the October Revolution. Then the role of the head of state was actually performed by a person who held the post of General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU (Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union).

IN AND. Lenin

The first significant decision of the new Russian government was the refusal to participate in the bloody world war. Lenin managed to achieve it, despite the fact that some members of the party were against the conclusion of peace on unfavorable terms (the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk). Having saved hundreds of thousands, maybe millions of lives, the Bolsheviks immediately put them at risk in another war - the civil one. The fight against the interventionists, anarchists and White Guards, as well as other opponents of the Soviet regime, brought quite a few human casualties.

In 1921, Lenin initiated the transition from the policy of war communism to the New Economic Policy (NEP), which contributed to the rapid recovery of the country's economy and national economy. Lenin also contributed to the establishment of a one-party system in the country and the formation of the Union of Socialist Republics. The USSR in the form in which it was created did not meet the requirements of Lenin, however, he did not manage to make significant changes.

In 1922, the hard work and the consequences of the assassination attempt made on him by the Socialist-Revolutionary Fanny Kaplan in 1918 made themselves felt: Lenin fell seriously ill. He took less and less part in government and other people came to the fore. Lenin himself spoke with anxiety about his possible successor, the general secretary of the party, Stalin: “Comrade Stalin, having become general secretary, has concentrated immense power in his hands, and I am not sure whether he will always be able to use this power with sufficient caution.” On January 21, 1924, Lenin died, and Stalin, as expected, became his successor.

One of the main directions to which V.I. Lenin paid great attention to the development of the Russian economy. At the direction of the first leader of the country of the Soviets, many factories for the production of equipment were organized, the completion of the AMO automobile plant (later ZiL) in Moscow began. Lenin paid great attention to the development of domestic energy and electronics. Perhaps if fate had given the “leader of the world proletariat” (as Lenin was often called) more time, he would have raised the country to a high level.

I.V. Stalin

A tougher policy was pursued by Lenin's successor, Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin (real name Dzhugashvili), who in 1922 took the post of General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU. Now the name of Stalin is mainly associated with the so-called "Stalinist repressions" of the 30s, when several million inhabitants of the USSR were deprived of their property (the so-called "dispossession"), went to prison or were executed for political reasons (for condemning the current government).
Indeed, the years of Stalin's rule left a bloody trail in the history of Russia, but there were also positive features of this period. During this time, from an agrarian country with a secondary economy, the Soviet Union turned into a world power with a huge industrial and military potential. The development of the economy and industry affected the years of the Great Patriotic War, which, although it cost the Soviet people dearly, was nevertheless won. Already during the hostilities, it was possible to establish a good supply of the army, to create new types of weapons. After the war, many were restored at an accelerated pace, destroyed almost to the foundation of the city.

N.S. Khrushchev

Shortly after Stalin's death (March 1953), Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev became General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU (September 13, 1953). This leader of the CPSU became famous, perhaps, most of all for his extraordinary deeds, many of which are still remembered. So, in 1960, at the UN General Assembly, Nikita Sergeevich took off his shoe and, threatening to show Kuz'kin's mother, began to knock on the podium with it in protest against the speech of the Filipino delegate. The period of Khrushchev's rule is associated with the development of an arms race between the USSR and the USA (the so-called "Cold Out"). In 1962, the deployment of Soviet nuclear missiles in Cuba almost led to a military conflict with the United States.

Of the positive changes that occurred during the reign of Khrushchev, one can note the rehabilitation of the victims of Stalinist repressions (having taken the post of general secretary, Khrushchev initiated the dismissal of Beria and his arrest), the development of agriculture through the development of unplowed lands (virgin lands), as well as the development of industry. It was during the reign of Khrushchev that the first launch of an artificial satellite of the Earth and the first manned flight into space took place. The period of Khrushchev's rule has an unofficial name - "Khrushchev's thaw."

L.I. Brezhnev

Khrushchev was replaced as General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee by Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev (October 14, 1964). For the first time, a party leader was replaced not after his death, but by removal from office. The era of Brezhnev's rule went down in history as "stagnation". The fact is that the Secretary General was a staunch conservative and an opponent of any reforms. The Cold War continued, which caused most of the resources to go to the military industry at the expense of other areas. Therefore, during this period, the country practically stopped in its technical development and began to lose to other leading powers of the world (excluding the military industry). In 1980, the XXII Summer Olympic Games were held in Moscow, which were boycotted by some countries (USA, Germany and others), in protest against the introduction of Soviet troops into Afghanistan.

During the Brezhnev era, some attempts were made to defuse tensions with the United States: US-Soviet treaties on the limitation of strategic offensive arms were concluded. But these attempts were crossed out by the introduction of Soviet troops into Afghanistan in 1979. In the late 80s, Brezhnev was no longer actually able to govern the country and was only considered the leader of the party. On November 10, 1982, he died at his dacha.

Yu. V. Andropov

On November 12, Khrushchev's place was taken by Yuri Vladimirovich Andropov, who previously headed the State Security Committee (KGB). He achieved sufficient support among party leaders, therefore, despite the resistance of former supporters of Brezhnev, he was elected General Secretary, and then Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.

Having taken the helm, Andropov proclaimed a course for socio-economic transformation. But all the reforms were reduced to administrative measures, strengthening discipline and exposing corruption in the highest circles. In foreign policy, the confrontation with the West only intensified. Andropov sought to strengthen his personal power: in June 1983 he took the post of chairman of the presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, while remaining secretary general. However, Andropov did not stay in power for long: he died on February 9, 1984 due to kidney disease, before he could make significant changes in the life of the country.

K.U. Chernenko

On February 13, 1984, the post of head of the Soviet state was taken by Konstantin Ustinovich Chernenko, who was considered a contender for the post of general secretary even after the death of Brezhnev. Chernenko held this important post at the age of 72, being seriously ill, so it was clear that this was only a temporary figure. During the reign of Chernenko, a number of reforms were undertaken, which were never brought to their logical conclusion. On September 1, 1984, the Day of Knowledge was celebrated for the first time in the country. March 10, 1985 Chernenko died. His place was taken by Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev, who later became the first and last president of the USSR.

After Stalin's death

The guards immediately saw that Stalin had lost consciousness, shifted him to the sofa and immediately called the direct boss - Ignatiev. He immediately arrived with Khrushchev and with Stalin's attending physician Smirnov. The doctor diagnosed intoxication and offered to let Stalin sleep and not disturb him. Since Stalin wet himself when he lost consciousness, the bodyguards agreed with this proposal of Smirnov. But when Stalin didn’t get up for dinner, they called Ignatiev again, and he or Khrushchev deceived the bodyguards, telling them that they were talking to Stalin over a direct wire, he feels embarrassed, he doesn’t need anything and he asks him not to disturb. But when even in the evening no movement was found in Stalin's rooms, the guards panicked, entered and saw that Stalin was lying in the same position as on the night of March 1. Terrified, the bodyguards began to call Ignatiev and Khrushchev, at the same time looking for Stalin's son Vasily. Khrushchev and Ignatiev arrived on the night of March 2 and brazenly told the bodyguards that they were not here last night, they had not spoken to them during the day, the bodyguards had just called them for the first time and it was the bodyguards themselves who had not followed the leader. However, Khrushchev had mercy, he and Ignatiev could save the bodyguards if they told the doctors and members of the Government who had gone to see Stalin that Stalin had just had an attack. The bodyguards lost heart and repeated this lie. And those three of them who later tried to tell the truth were killed by Ignatiev's people, as "scoundrels who want to tell the West the intimate details of Stalin's death."

Beria, of course, felt something was wrong, but at that time he did not yet know who to suspect. Having received the management of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Ministry of State Security, Beria also remained the first deputy head of the Government, resolving all issues in this post - from economic to diplomatic. At the same time, he created a hydrogen bomb, which was successfully tested a month and a half after his assassination - on August 12, 1953. Moreover, after the death of Stalin, Beria was the only one who knew this project in detail, since at the plenum of the Central Committee in June 1953, at which he was “exposed”, Beria was blamed for setting the test date himself, without agreeing it with the Government and the Presidium, and this suggests that, besides him, there were no more top leaders of the USSR who would have known how things were really going on creating hydrogen weapons.

The matter would be simplified if Beria received the special services "on the go", but they first had to be reorganized, that is, reassigned people to several hundred posts. Worse, any appointment or removal had to be coordinated with Ignatiev, who oversaw the law enforcement agencies. And Beria, finding time to work in the united Ministry of Internal Affairs, first of all takes measures to remove Ignatiev from the road. He gives an order to the investigators leading the “doctors' case” to prepare indictments in two weeks for the espionage and terrorist activities of the doctors, but the investigators have no evidence, and the prosecutor's office releases the suspected doctors. Beria, contrary to the requirements of the Presidium, publishes a message about this in the newspapers, in which he emphasizes that illegal methods of investigation were used against doctors. To confirm the guilt of Ignatiev, he arrests Ryumin. By these actions, Beria demands from the Presidium to let him arrest Ignatiev, but Khrushchev, who headed the Presidium, understands why Beria needs Ignatiev, and defends him - Ignatiev is only dismissed from the post of Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU, and at the end of April, at the insistence of Beria, they are simply expelled from the members Central Committee, but not from the party. Then Beria arrests Ogoltsov, and then Stalin's attending physician, Smirnov.

Khrushchev does not have great hopes that Ogoltsov and Smirnov will long remain under the questions of Beria himself (although torture has just been condemned and banned), and since March Khrushchev has already prepared Strokach, ready to accuse Beria of conspiracy, but Beria is always in the country , and Strokach will not stand a confrontation with him. Finally, in June 1953, Khrushchev managed to get the decision to send Beria (the most "free" leader in the USSR) to oversee the liquidation of the Nazi rebellion in Germany. In Beria's absence, Khrushchev introduces Strokach to the Presidium with his message that Beria planned to overthrow the government of the USSR a few days after returning from Berlin. The Presidium coordinates Khrushchev's proposal to instruct Moskalenko and Batitsky to detain Beria in order to organize a confrontation with Strokach. But Batitsky and Moskalenko, in collusion with Khrushchev, kill Beria, allegedly as a result of Beria's resistance during detention. Khrushchev invites the bewildered Presidium to inform the country that Beria has been arrested and an investigation is underway. The Presidium agrees, most likely not realizing that now all of them, together with members of the Central Committee, have become Khrushchev's accomplices in the murder of Beria. Khrushchev initiates the replacement of the Prosecutor General by the bastard from Ukraine Rudenko, and he begins to fabricate a “conspiracy case”, arresting innocent people. Trying to get out of one crime, the members of the Presidium and the Government became more and more entangled by Khrushchev in the next, justifying themselves "by the interests of politics, the world communist movement," etc. As a result, they justified in December 1953 the murder of innocent judges and prosecutors by scum Beria’s colleagues as “members of his gang”, agreed with the lies in the newspapers that Beria was allegedly shot by a court verdict, agreed with the judicial murders of Ryumin, Abakumov and many others.

But it is unlikely that anyone in the Government of the USSR and in the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU knew, and many did not even guess, that Khrushchev was the murderer of Stalin. And Khrushchev almost immediately took steps to hide all traces of this murder from everyone, including the party and state nomenklatura. Immediately, all medical documents on Stalin's treatment were destroyed, his archive was destroyed, Stalin's attending physician Smirnov and Ogoltsov were released. In 1954, the doctors who treated Stalin and performed an autopsy on his body were arrested and sent to the North.

Khrushchev is doing everything so that his accomplices, who know that he is a murderer, would not run into the top leaders of the USSR and accidentally spill the beans. Restored to the Central Committee, Khrushchev sends Ignatiev to the periphery as secretary of the Tatar Regional Committee, but since Ignatiev has the opportunity to communicate with many in this post, he is sent to retire at the age of 55. Ogoltsov was rehabilitated back in August 1953, but they were not reinstated in the service, and since the lieutenant general, even in retirement, was close to many people, in 1958, by order of Khrushchev, they fabricated a case on Ogoltsov’s excess of power during the war in besieged Leningrad, deprived his titles, they are expelled from the party - they make him a pariah that few people will believe. And Ogoltsov quietly lived the rest of his life, rejoicing that he was not killed, as simpler witnesses. And those were dealt with abruptly: in addition to Stalin's three bodyguards, the head of the laboratory that produces poisons, Mairanovsky, who tried to blackmail Khrushchev, was also killed.

Khrushchev is afraid of even a hint that the party nomenklatura was plotting against Stalin. In 1954, when Stalin was still glorified out of habit and no one doubted that he was an outstanding leader of the Soviet people, Khrushchev rehabilitated those involved in the "Leningrad case" - Kuznetsov, Voznesensky, Popkov and others. At this moment, Timashuk's last finest hour has come - so that she does not blurt out about Kuznetsov's role in the murder of Stalin, she is again awarded the Order, now of the Red Banner of Labor, making her a cavalier of all labor orders of the USSR.

But for Khrushchev and the party nomenklatura, the question of Stalin’s ideas remains unresolved - if Stalin is left as a leader equal to Lenin, then as the party nomenclature’s power role is restored, willy-nilly, many will have a question - why Khrushchev is leading the party in a different course than he led before his death her Stalin? It was impossible to explain this without spitting on Stalin. And Khrushchev, at the head of the top party functionaries, decides to disgrace the 20th Congress.

A problem arose - if you accuse Stalin of what he was accused of - in the "cult of personality", then everyone will have a question: "What does Stalin have to do with it? After all, he never praised himself and did not exalt himself. You smoked incense for him - the delegates of the XX Congress. Therefore, Stalin was accused of killing "honest communists." It was impossible to openly blame Stalin for this, since the events were still fresh in memory and everyone would have a question: “What does Stalin have to do with it? After all, he personally did not condemn a single "honest communist" to death, they were sentenced to death by you, the delegates of the 20th Congress. It turns out a discrepancy: they shouted about one thing, and accused of another, but this discrepancy was not accidental, there would be an exact calculation. In 1938, Hitler took advantage of the murder of his lover by a Jewish pederast - a German from the German embassy in Paris - and organized a grandiose Jewish pogrom in Germany. It would seem that from this pogrom of Germany only harm in connection with the indignation of the whole world. Actually it is not. By allowing some Germans to loot Jewish shops and set fire to synagogues, and for others to silently look at this and not interfere with these crimes, Hitler rallied the Germans against the Jews and around him, since nothing unites the crowd of the townsfolk like a common meanness. Khrushchev repeated the feat of Hitler. In order to combat the “cult of personality”, he gave some inhabitants the opportunity to destroy monuments to Stalin, tear his portraits, burn his books, and the rest to look at it indifferently. And the layman, having committed meanness, will never admit to it - he will claim to death that his meanness was actually needed and useful to everyone. Khrushchev, like Hitler, vilely rallied the townsfolk around him.

Easily and quickly, Khrushchev found morally and mentally handicapped freaks among writers, journalists and historians who, for small handouts, began to slander the era of Stalin, confident that they were fighting “for democracy” by pouring mud and lies on the brightest period in the history of Russia and the USSR.

When Khrushchev was removed from his posts and retired in 1964, he was obliged to confess, at the very least, to Brezhnev, who replaced him, that he killed Stalin. Otherwise, out of ignorance, Brezhnev could not have taken measures to conceal this crime, and so in 1981 Brezhnev gave the command to kill Fedorova, who had imprudently gathered in the United States. And all the General Secretaries, including, of course, Gorbachev, knew about Khrushchev's murder of Stalin. Everyone was silent, since objectively Khrushchev committed this crime, albeit for his own motives, but still for their, the party nomenklatura, benefit, in the name of their power. Brezhnev, in his own way a good-natured and even somewhat conscientious layman, having learned the truth about Stalin's death, poked at the mongrels of the press and history, slander against Stalin was reduced, memoirists under Brezhnev were obliged to write respectfully about Stalin, respectfully showed him in films and described in novels.

But it was Brezhnev who finally turned the party and the country on an anti-Stalinist course, and hopes for Communism were finished. If Khrushchev crossed out the Stalinist reorganization of the party, then Brezhnev crossed out the Stalinist Constitution, dragging his Constitution through the already decorative Supreme Soviet with an article on the inequality of Soviet people:

“Article 6. The guiding and guiding force of Soviet society, the core of its political system, state and public organizations is the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The CPSU exists for the people and serves the people.

Armed with Marxist-Marxist-Leninist teachings, the Communist Party determines the general perspective of the development of society, the line of domestic and foreign policy of the USSR, directs the great creative activity of the Soviet people, imparts a systematic, scientifically substantiated character to their struggle for the victory of communism.

All party organizations operate within the framework of the Constitution of the USSR.

From now on, any greedy scoundrel who joined the CPSU for careeristic reasons began to determine the development of the country. Not all the people as under Communism, but only the party nomenklatura! During this period, people were still joining the party, but the fate of the CPSU and the USSR had already been decided.

Under Gorbachev, it became necessary to once again spit on the brightest period in the history of the USSR in order to justify the destruction of the Soviet Union. But the conditions have changed compared to Khrushchev's - freedom of speech was declared. It has become impossible to establish control over who says what and who prints what. And it was urgently required not to let the opposition know either about the conspiracy of the party nomenklatura against Stalin, or that Khrushchev had killed him, or that for which he had killed. Otherwise, the question would immediately arise of what constitutes Gorbachev's party nomenklatura and what it is doing under the guise of perestroika.

Therefore, since the late 80s, the fabrication of false documents allegedly stored in the archives began in order to divert any researcher from thinking about the murder of Stalin, in order to give a different explanation for the motives for the actions of historical figures of that era. From this need, the “Mikhoels Case”, “Beria’s Letters”, “Abakumov’s Letters”, etc., appeared.

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XXXVII Who and how was punished after Stalin's death

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9. USSR after Stalin's death

Stage characteristic

Drawing lessons from this historical period is particularly important. This stage is the rapid, in just 40 years, the destruction of what was achieved by Stalin. Of course, the course of history at this stage consists not only of destruction, there are also remarkable achievements in many, including key areas. But a careful examination of them shows that they are all only repetitions of the line defined and carried out by Stalin. Many in the country, of course, not all, distinctly aware of their historical mission. For Stalin, the greatness of the country was more important than the happy life of the population. Stalin was a sovereign. Individuals or groups that openly or covertly undermined the USSR were exterminated. Not “everyone is busy with their own business”, but “everyone is doing one common thing”. After the death of Stalin, of the five General Secretaries, this idea was continued only by Brezhnev.

A common feature of the entire post-Stalin era of the USSR (March 1953 - December 1991) is in the loss of perspective and focus, clarity and rigidity of the work of the state apparatus, which is incompatible with the principles of Soviet socialism. The centralized planning system was ineffective in the conditions of rapid scientific and technological development due to the fact that the local initiative required numerous approvals. The weakening of goal-setting and goal-achievement, a sluggish response to the necessary ongoing changes, the nominal nature of planning and reporting on the implementation of the plan, the postponement of deadlines, the decline in the culture and discipline of leadership, the war in Afghanistan, which only led to great casualties. Growing lag in scientific and technological development. Hence the desire of high leadership to shift their functions to lower levels, constant delays in the formation of the annual budget, following one after another reorganization of the state apparatus. Control over the activities of organizations has weakened. The distrust of organizations that arose in government agencies led to the desire to “squeeze” the organization in “plans coming down from above”. As a result - a variety of imitation tricks of organizations in the implementation of the decisions of the Center. Under Stalin, all this was impossible. Speaking in the language of management theory, the reason was the negative feedback that had developed in the management of the state.

Nevertheless, the strictly centralized system of state administration continued to retain its advantages over the market West. In some areas, the return of Soviet science and technology was many times greater than that of the West. The USSR outnumbered the US in arms exports. In mass production of consumer goods and in terms of the quality of services, the USSR lost, in limited production it was equal or ahead. The development of production in the USSR was limited by the fact that the world market did not let its products. But this restriction was partially lifted by the CMEA countries. Therefore, the excess of production capacities available in the USSR and in the CMEA countries under its control (possible only under socialism) could not be used in full. In terms of the share of production, the USSR did not lag behind, and in conditions of severe isolation developed on the principles of self-sufficiency, produced everything necessary for itself. But the share of consumption was small in comparison with the share of mechanical engineering. The independence of the activities of machine-building industries and organizations led to a low unification of parts and types of materials, which is impossible in a market economy. The planned economy was not focused on ensuring its technical and economic efficiency. Nevertheless, the USSR developed the fastest of all, including the United States, and provided significant savings in resources.

Stalin was in power for 31 years. From the moment of his death on March 2, 1953, when he was 74 years old, to the liquidation of the USSR in 1992, 39 years passed. During this time, five General Secretaries of the Central Committee of the CPSU replaced each other. On average, eight years each. Between their lines, in addition to a sharp hidden war for the power of one or another party clan, there was a struggle to change or preserve the political ideology, domestic and foreign policy, social and state form of the USSR.

The first in 1953 to take power N.S. Khrushchev(1894–1971). He was 59 years old. From the age of 32, N.S. Khrushchev at party work in the Central Committee of the Communist Party (b) of Ukraine. In 1944–1947 - Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of Ukraine, then - 1st Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party (b) of Ukraine. During the Great Patriotic War - a member of a number of Councils of Fronts. Since 1949 - Secretary of the CPSU (b) and 1st Secretary of the Moscow Committee of the CPSU (b). In 1953 (it is clear why) he became the 1st (and not General) Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. Member of the Central Committee of the CPSU N.S. Khrushchev was from 1934 to 1966, a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee from 1939 to 1964. Some authors claim that Khrushchev could neither read nor write. Probably well thought...

N.S. Khrushchev in the late 30s was one of the most important organizers of repressions in Moscow and Ukraine. It is known that the organizers of the repressions, in order to curry favor with Stalin, increased the number of those repressed beyond what was really necessary. The decision to carry out the punishments provided for in the list of the repressed could only be made personally by Stalin. When such a list was brought to him for approval, Stalin pointed to those who should be excluded. To which he was sometimes told: "You were busy, the sentences have already been carried out." Well, Khrushchev managed to become a support for Stalin in order to kill and curse him?

In the second half of the 1940s, he was one of the organizers of the struggle against cosmopolitanism (admiration for "foreignness"). But this did not prevent him from becoming the initiator of a "thaw" in domestic and foreign policy, which, allegedly, is better than strict discipline. In 1956, at the 20th Congress of the CPSU, he exposed Stalin's "personality cult".

The regime established by Mao Zedong was more severe than that of Stalin. Nevertheless, in China, the cult of worship of Mao as the great founder of the PRC and the leader of the nation persists even after his death, and it never occurs to anyone to "take Mao out of the mausoleum."

The policy pursued by N.S. Khrushchev, was inconsistent and anti-Stalinist. He transferred the management of the national economy from the sectoral principle to the territorial one. This led to the collapse of the centralized form of government and the inefficiency of the branch. As a result - to huge losses in the national economy, a delay in its development. This transformation was canceled under L. I. Brezhnev, the branch principle was restored.

But N.S. Khrushchev limited the privileges of the party and state apparatus (to eliminate the “Stalinists” from it?). He improved the living conditions of the population, organized the mass construction of residential buildings ("Khrushchev"), made society more open. In 1954, two air defense rings around Moscow and the world's first nuclear power plant were put into operation. In 1957 the first satellite was launched, in 1961 Gagarin's space flight. Strived to expand international relations.

At the same time, N. S. Khrushchev carried out the suppression of "dissidents", sent troops to Hungary in 1956, shot a workers' demonstration in Novo-Cherkassk in 1962, aggravated the confrontation with the West (the Berlin crisis, 1961, created the Caribbean crisis , 1962). He set unattainable goals for the country: "to catch up and overtake America", "to build communism by 1980". He threatened with a shoe taken from his foot from the rostrum of the UN General Assembly. After a visit to the United States, at the invitation of Eisenhower, he becomes a liberal communist. By decision of N. S. Khrushchev, A. N. Kosygin prepared the transfer of a part of the public property of the national economy to private property. Although in 1952 in the book "Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR" Stalin argued that the transfer of private property to the state is the best form of nationalization, but already at the end of 1952 he spoke out against the state monopoly in the economy. Stalin outlined these reforms six months before his death for approval at a meeting of the Central Committee of the CPSU.

By 1962, the party and state apparatuses were convinced of the ostentatious activities and the inability of N. S. Khrushchev to lead the socialist state. By decision of the Central Committee of the CPSU in October 1964, N. S. Khrushchev was removed from his duties as 1st Secretary and member of the Politburo of the Central Committee, but remained a member of the Central Committee for another 2 years. N. S. Khrushchev was in power for 11 years. He resigned from his post when he was 70 years old.

The 58-year-old was elected to the post of 1st Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU in October 1964 L.I. Brezhnev (1906–1982) who organized the removal of N.S. Khrushchev. In 1966, this post began to be called "Secretary General" again. L.I. Brezhnev held this post for 18 years, until his death, which occurred when he was 76 years old. In the last years of his life he was seriously ill. He was not a destroyer of the line pursued by Stalin, like Khrushchev, but he was not able to deeply understand it and correctly carry it out in completely new conditions. The consequence was his superficial, outward imitation of Stalin.

When the Great Patriotic War began, Leonid Brezhnev was 36 years old. During the war and after it, until the end of his life, he was in party work: 1st secretary of the regional committee of the Communist Party (b) of Ukraine, 1st secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Moldova. In 1953 - Head of the Political Directorate of the Soviet Army and Navy. Then - the 2nd and 1st secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan. From 1952 to 1964 (with interruptions) - Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, Chairman of the USSR Defense Council. As under Stalin, under Brezhnev the authoritarian regime was preserved.

Since 1965, measures have been taken to improve the work of the national economy. The next Congress of the CPSU pointed out the need to create associations, use "economic methods" in management, higher rates of growth in labor productivity and profitability of production, strengthen cost accounting, accurately record the deadlines for completing tasks, select options that will give the fastest return, encourage saving time and strict tracking its wastefulness, eliminating unnecessary links in bureaucratic procedures, ensuring prompt decision-making. It provided for the constant development of all sectors of the economy, the creation of conditions for the use of the abilities of all members of society, the convergence of science and technology, and the acceleration of the development and implementation of new efficient technology. The reform of 1965 began the practical use of commodity-money "levers" in the body of socialist production relations. These decisions were of great political economic significance.

It was assumed that these measures would make it possible to create a "mature socialist society", "developed socialism".

In fact, during the reign of L. I. Brezhnev, negative phenomena gradually increased in the economy, in the social and spiritual life of society. The economy became more and more extensive and consumerist. For example, the engineering industry of the USSR began to produce mainly equipment for the production of consumer products. The reason was the extreme conservatism of social forms. The country began to live by selling oil and gas. At the beginning of L. I. Brezhnev's rule, a course was pursued to ease international tension, and then he began to conduct an intensified militarization of the country, thereby supporting the arms race provoked by the United States. L. I. Brezhnev, having heard enough of his assistants, in public speeches insisted on the use of system analysis. The defense department of the Central Committee of the CPSU supported the development of the target planning system used by the United States (the then famous PERT). But the conservative system of central planning throughout the country was unable to master either system analysis or target planning. It is possible that the US understood the subversive nature of these attempts.

In 1965, the Chief Engineer of one of the defense design bureaus, Anatoly Vasilyevich Pivovarov, told me: "Not a single Government Decree is being implemented." Under Stalin, this was absolutely impossible.

At the same time, the 2nd Secretary of the Komsomol Central Committee, Yuri Vladimirovich Torsuev, invited two then famous researchers P. G. Kuznetsov and S. P. Nikanorov to his place and invited them to answer one question:

"Komsomol with the party or with the party?"

A month later, he was presented with a voluminous report, which substantiated the need for the Komsomol to be independent youth organization which takes into account the policy pursued by the party. Torsuev, having briefly read the report, said: “Do you want me to be arrested?” Soon the Komsomol Central Committee dismissed him from the post of 2nd Secretary of the Komsomol Central Committee.

In 1966, a group of specialists, of which I was a member, was invited by the head of the Technical Directorate of the USSR Minstankoprom. She asked us one question: “Why has almost the whole world abandoned metal cutting and switched to physical processing methods, while we continue to cut?”. By "physical methods" was meant, for example, the production of precise, fully finished metal products (such as a car body) from a sheet of metal of the required thickness by a single hydraulic impact on the sheet lying above the mold, at a pressure of thousands of atmospheres on water. Our answer was unequivocal: because the centralized planning system in the form used by the USSR stifled initiative. It was believed that only the top understood everything correctly, and only they looked ahead, all the rest - a favorite word in the USSR - were performers.

In 1969, the International Conference "The Tasks of the Fight Against Imperialism at the Present Stage and the Unity of Action of the Communist and Workers' Parties and All Anti-Imperialist Forces" was held.

In 1973, a brigade-economic calculation was introduced in construction, in 1976 - a team contract, 1977 - a through team contract. In 1977 - the transfer of all house-building plants to self-supporting, which improved their economic performance.

During this period, changes were made in the capitalist countries, bringing them closer to the forms used by the USSR. State incentives have been introduced for the production carried out by the monopolies by providing them with an increasing share of the national income. Government funding for industrial development programs and scientific research. Programs for the economic development of the country are drawn up.

In 1974, "Guidelines for the development of state plans for the development of the national economy" were put into effect.

In the middle - late 70s and early 80s, under the impression of the economic difficulties of the USSR, the use of socialism was abandoned throughout the world. Worldwide disappointment in the results of direct state management. In England - the refusal of the state to participate in economic activity: "it is necessary to look for more flexible forms of public control." There has been massive denationalization in Africa. Hungary, Poland, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, Vietnam, Czechoslovakia abandoned socialism. Deng Xiaoping said in introducing socialist capitalism to China: “It doesn't matter if the cat is black or white. It is important that she catch mice.” Gandhi in India stated that "socialism is depleting the people's wealth." There was an anti-state and anti-socialist revolt of the world economy.

From the book History of Russia. XX - beginning of the XXI century. Grade 9 author Volobuev Oleg Vladimirovich

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After Stalin's death, the Okhrana immediately saw that Stalin had lost consciousness, shifted him to the sofa and immediately called their direct superior, Ignatiev. He immediately arrived with Khrushchev and with Stalin's attending physician Smirnov. The doctor diagnosed intoxication and suggested

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The first "new construction" conflicts after Stalin's death

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Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR Joseph Stalin died on March 5 at 21:50. From 6 to 9 March, the country was plunged into mourning. The coffin with the body of the leader was exhibited in Moscow in the Hall of Columns. About one and a half million people took part in the mourning events.

Troops were sent to the capital to maintain public order. However, the authorities did not expect such an incredible influx of people wishing to see Stalin on his last journey. The victims of the stampede on the day of the funeral, March 9, according to various sources, were from 300 to 3 thousand people.

“Stalin entered Russian history as a symbol of greatness. The main achievements of the Stalin era were industrialization, victory in the Great Patriotic War and the creation of a nuclear bomb. The foundation that the leader left allowed the country to achieve nuclear parity with the United States and launch rockets into space, ”said Dmitry Zhuravlev, doctor of historical sciences, political scientist, in an interview with RT.

At the same time, according to the expert, the Soviet people paid a huge price for the great achievements in the Stalin era (1924-1953). The most negative phenomena, according to Zhuravlev, were collectivization, political repressions, labor camps (the Gulag system) and the grossest neglect of elementary human needs.

The riddle of the death of the leader

Stalin was distinguished by a pathological distrust of doctors and neglected their recommendations. Serious degradation of the health of the leader began in 1948. The last public speech of the Soviet leader took place on October 14, 1952, at which he summed up the results of the XIX Congress of the CPSU.

Joseph Stalin speaks at the closing session of the 19th Congress of the CPSU
RIA News

The last years of his life, Stalin spent a lot of time at the "near dacha" in Kuntsevo. On March 1, 1953, state guards found the leader motionless. They reported this to Lavrenty Beria, Georgy Malenkov and Nikita Khrushchev.

Prompt medical assistance to Stalin was not provided. Doctors came to examine him only on March 2. What happened in the first days of March at the "near dacha" is a mystery to historians. The question of whether it was possible to save the leader's life still remains unanswered.

The son of Nikita Khrushchev is sure that Stalin became a "victim of his own system." His associates and doctors were afraid to do anything, although it was obvious that the leader was in a critical condition. According to official information, Stalin was diagnosed with a stroke. The disease was not announced, but on March 4, the party elite, apparently anticipating the imminent death of the leader, decided to break the silence.

A line of people wishing to say goodbye to Joseph Stalin at the House of the Unions, Moscow
RIA News

“On the night of March 2, 1953, I.V. Stalin suffered a sudden cerebral hemorrhage that captured vital areas of the brain, resulting in paralysis of the right leg and right arm with loss of consciousness and speech, ”the article in the Pravda newspaper said.

"Similarity of a palace coup"

Retired KGB colonel, counterintelligence officer Igor Prelin believes that the leader's entourage understood the inevitability of his imminent death and was not interested in Stalin's recovery.

“These people were interested in him (Stalin. — RT) rather left, for two reasons. They feared for their position and well-being that he would remove them, remove them and repress them. And secondly, of course, they themselves rushed to power. They understood that Stalin's days were numbered. It was clear that this was the final, ”Prelin said in an interview.

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The main contenders for the role of leader of the Soviet state were the former head of the NKVD Lavrenty Beria, deputy chairman of the Council of Ministers Georgy Malenkov, first secretary of the Moscow regional committee Nikita Khrushchev and member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU Marshal Nikolai Bulganin.

During Stalin's illness, the party elite redistributed the highest government posts. It was decided that Malenkov would take the post of chairman of the Council of Ministers, which belonged to the leader, Khrushchev would become the first secretary of the CPSU Central Committee (the highest position in the party hierarchy), Beria would receive the portfolio of the minister of internal affairs, and Bulganin the minister of defense.

The unwillingness of Beria, Malenkov, Khrushchev and Bulganin to save the life of the leader in every possible way and the redistribution of government posts gave rise to a widespread version of the existence of an anti-Stalinist conspiracy. The conspiracy against the leader was objectively beneficial to the party elite, Zhuravlev believes.

Joseph Stalin, Nikita Khrushchev, Lavrenty Beria, Matvey Shkiryatov (front row from right to left), Georgy Malenkov and Andrey Zhdanov (second row from right to left)
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“Hypothetically, some semblance of a palace coup was possible, since open opposition to the leader was completely excluded. Nevertheless, the conspiracy theory and the violent death of Stalin did not receive concrete evidence. Any versions on this subject are private opinions that are not based on documentary evidence, ”Zhuravlev stated in an interview with RT.

The collapse of the main contender

The post-Stalin regime in 1953-1954 is often referred to as "collegiate administration". Powers in the state were distributed among several party bosses. However, historians agree that under the beautiful veneer of “collegiate management” there was a fierce struggle for absolute leadership.

Malenkov, being the curator of the most important defense projects of the USSR, had close ties with the country's military elite (Marshal Georgy Zhukov is considered one of Malenkov's supporters). Beria wielded enormous influence over the security agencies, the key institutions of power in the Stalin era. Khrushchev enjoyed the sympathy of the party apparatus and was perceived as a compromise figure. Bulganin had the weakest positions.

At the funeral, the first to carry the coffin with the leader from the House of Trade Unions was Beria (left) and Malenkov (right). On the podium of the mausoleum in which Stalin was buried (in 1961 the leader was reburied near the Kremlin wall), Beria stood in the center, between Malenkov and Khrushchev. This symbolized his dominant position at that time.

Beria united under his authority the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Ministry of State Security. On March 19, he replaced almost all the heads of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in the Union republics and regions of the RSFSR.

However, Beria did not abuse power. It is noteworthy that his political program coincided with the democratic initiatives expressed by Malenkov and Khrushchev. Oddly enough, but it was Lavrenty Pavlovich who began reviewing the criminal cases of those citizens who were accused of anti-Soviet conspiracies.

On March 27, 1953, the Minister of the Interior signed the Decree "On Amnesty". The document allowed the release of citizens convicted of malfeasance and economic crimes from places of detention. In total, more than 1.3 million people were released from prisons, and criminal proceedings were terminated against 401,000 citizens.

Despite these moves, Beria was strongly associated with the repressions that were carried out during the Stalin era. On June 26, 1953, the head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs was summoned to a meeting of the Council of Ministers and detained, accused of espionage, falsification of criminal cases and abuse of power.

His closest associates were convicted of wrecking activities. On December 24, 1953, the Special Judicial Presence of the Supreme Court of the USSR sentenced Beria and his supporters to death. The ex-minister of internal affairs was shot in the bunker of the headquarters of the Moscow military district. After the death of the main contender for power, about ten functionaries who were part of the "Beria gang" were arrested and convicted.

Khrushchev's triumph

The removal of Beria became possible thanks to the alliance between Malenkov and Khrushchev. In 1954, a struggle broke out between the head of the Council of Ministers and the first secretary of the CPSU Central Committee.

Georgy Malenkov
RIA News

Malenkov advocated the elimination of the excesses of the Stalinist system both in politics and in the economy. He called for leaving the leader's personality cult in the past, improving the situation of collective farmers and focusing on the production of consumer goods.

The fatal mistake of Malenkov was an indifferent attitude towards the party and state apparatus. The Chairman of the Council of Ministers reduced the salaries of officials and repeatedly accused the bureaucracy of "complete disregard for the needs of the people."

“The main problem of Stalinism for the leaders of the CPSU was that anyone could fall under the rink of repression. The party apparatus is tired of this unpredictability. He needed guarantees of a stable existence. This is exactly what Nikita Khrushchev promised. In my opinion, it was this approach that became the key to his victory, ”said Zhuravlev.

In January 1955, the head of the USSR government was criticized by Khrushchev and his party comrades for failures in economic policy. On February 8, 1955, Malenkov left the post of head of the Council of Ministers and received the portfolio of the Minister of Power Plants, retaining his membership in the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee. The post of Malenkov was taken by Nikolai Bulganin, and Georgy Zhukov became the Minister of Defense.

Such an attitude towards a political rival was intended to emphasize the beginning of a new era, where a sparing attitude towards the Soviet nomenklatura reigns. Nikita Khrushchev became her symbol.

"Hostage of the system"

In 1956, at the XX Congress of the CPSU, Khrushchev delivered a famous speech about debunking the cult of personality. The period of his reign is called the thaw. From the mid-1950s to the early 1960s, hundreds of thousands of political prisoners were released, the system of labor camps (Gulag) was completely dismantled.

Joseph Stalin and Nikita Khrushchev greet the participants of the May Day demonstration on the podium of the Mausoleum of V.I. Lenin
RIA News

“Khrushchev was able to become his own for the apparatus. Debunking Stalinism, he said that the leaders of the Bolshevik party should not have been subjected to repression. However, in the end, Khrushchev became a hostage of the control system he created himself, ”Zhuravlev stated.

As the expert explained, Khrushchev, in dealing with his subordinates, was distinguished by excessive harshness. He traveled a lot around the country and in personal meetings with the first secretaries of the regional committees subjected them to the most severe criticism, making, in fact, the same mistakes as Malenkov. In October 1964, the party nomenklatura removed Khrushchev from the post of first secretary of the CPSU Central Committee and chairman of the Council of Ministers.

“Khrushchev took competent steps to become the leader of the USSR for some time. However, he was not going to radically change the Stalinist system. Nikita Sergeevich limited himself to correcting the most obvious shortcomings of his predecessor, ”said Zhuravlev.

First Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Nikita Khrushchev
RIA News

According to the expert, the key problem of the Stalinist system was the demand for constant labor and military exploits from the Soviet people. Most of the projects of Stalin and Khrushchev benefited the USSR, but catastrophically little attention was paid to the personal needs of citizens.

“Yes, under Khrushchev, the elite and society breathed more freely. However, man still remained a means to achieve grandiose goals. People are tired of the endless pursuit of records, they are tired of calls for self-sacrifice and the expectation of the onset of a communist paradise. This problem was one of the key reasons for the subsequent collapse of the Soviet statehood,” Zhuravlev summed up.