Who are cartridges in ancient Rome. Meaning of the word patron. The historical significance of Roman law. The Importance of Roman Law for Modern Jurisprudence
cartridgecartridge - a polysemantic word:
Wikipedia
cartridge1. The owner of the enterprise, firm. ott. unfold Immediate supervisor, leader.
2. A noble citizen (originally from the patricians), the patron of freedmen and clients dependent on him and their defender in court (in Ancient Rome).
3. trans. obsolete. Protector, protector. II m.
1. A bullet or shot with a powder charge and a primer with an igniter, enclosed in a sleeve.
2. Device for fixing a workpiece or tool on metal-cutting machines.
3. Part of an electric lighting device into which a light bulb is screwed to connect it to the network.
4.same as sleeve
5.same as sleeve
3. III m. outdated.
1. Pattern for cutting (in sewing and furriery).
2. Stencil drawing on fabric (in weaving).
Big modern explanatory dictionary of the Russian language
cartridgeDad's chair
Cheerful etymological dictionary
cartridgeI. (lat. patronus protector, patron)
1) in Dr. Rome - a noble Roman citizen (originally - from the patricians), the patron saint of (often numerous) clients and freedmen dependent on him and their defender in court;
2) trans. mouth, patron, protector;
3) in capitalist countries - the owner of an enterprise, firm;
4) the immediate superior of smb. II. (German patrone French patron)
1) on firearms - a bullet (or projectile, shot), a powder (combat) charge and a primer (or primer sleeve) enclosed in a cartridge case to ignite the charge;
2) a protective shell of a cylindrical shape made of cardboard or metal, used, for example. , for packing;
3) on lathes and drilling machines - a fixture for clamping workpieces (and sometimes tools) mounted on the rotating part (spindle) of the machine;
4) cartridge - in sewing, shoemaking, furriery, etc. - a sample for a pattern, a stencil;
5) lamp item - a device for connecting electric incandescent lamps to the mains.New dictionary of foreign words
cartridge1m.
2. m.
4) Same as: sleeve (
2).
5) Same as: sleeve (
3).3. m. outdated.
New explanatory and derivational dictionary of the Russian language Efremova
cartridgehusband. , lat. patron, protector, or benefactor. | A paper tube for a gun charge (and a cannon cap), and the entire charge. The cartridge is blank, with gunpowder; combat, and with a bullet. | factory blower piston, or piston glass. | A lathe chuck is a short copper or iron tube into which the thing being turned is inserted. | Form, lyak; | pattern, sample for cutting, izraz; | stencil, slotted paper, for powder or brush. Regimental ammo box, charger. Cartridge navoynik, chamber, stick for navoyu cartridges. Women's patron. husband's bandolier ammo bag. Cartridge maker who makes cartridges.
Dictionary Dahl
cartridgecartridge, -a
Dictionary of the Russian language Lopatin
cartridge1 bullet (or shot) with a charge and a primer, enclosed in a sleeve. book. patron, protector patron 2 owner of the enterprise, company (usually applied to foreign countries) patron 1 In various devices, devices: a hollow tube, a cylinder, a device for inserting a workpiece, tool, part Spec P. machine. cartridge 3 sample for pattern P. for a fur collar.
Dictionary of the Russian language Ozhegov
cartridge(in mechanical engineering), a fixture to a machine tool for fixing workpieces or tools. There are mechanical (2-, 3-, 4-jaw, collet), pneumatic, hydraulic and electromagnetic chucks. - (French patron), connected by means of a sleeve into one whole bullet (projectile), powder charge, igniter. There are cartridges for pistol, rifle, artillery, hunting rifles, etc.
Modern explanatory dictionary, TSB
cartridge1m.
1) a) The owner of the enterprise, firm. b) unfold Immediate supervisor, leader.
2) A noble citizen (originally from the patricians), the patron of freedmen and clients dependent on him and their defender in court (in Ancient Rome).
3) trans. obsolete Protector, protector.2. m.
1) A bullet or shot with a powder charge and a primer with an igniter, enclosed in a sleeve.
2) A device for fixing a workpiece or tool on metal-cutting machines.
3) Part of an electric lighting fixture into which a light bulb is screwed to connect it to the network.
4) Same as: sleeve (
2).
5) Same as: sleeve (
3).3. m. outdated.
1) Pattern for cutting (in sewing and furriery).
2) Stencil drawing on fabric (in weaving).Explanatory Dictionary of Efremova
cartridgepatron, m. (Latin, patronus - patron).
1. In ancient Rome, a full-fledged citizen who was considered the patron and protector of his freedmen and clients (historical).
2. Head, owner of the enterprise (in bourgeois society; often ironic). My soul! - answered Solomin - we started a school and a small hospital - and even then the cartridge rested like a bear! Turgenev.
3. trans. Protector, protector. || Catholics have a saint who is considered the patron of that person who bears his name, or the patron, protector of some. cities, communities (church). St. Mark is the patron of Venice.
cartridgecartridge, m. (French patron). 1 The combination of a charge and a bullet or shot enclosed in a sleeve. Combat cartridge. Training cartridge. Hunting cartridge.
2. In lathes and drilling machines - a device that serves to strengthen the workpiece (or tool) in the rotating part of the machine (technical). Cylindrical cartridge.
3. Part of an electric lighting device, a light bulb is screwed into it to connect it to the network (tech.).
4. Pattern for pattern (port.). Fur collar cartridge.
5. In weaving: stencil drawing on fabric (technical).
6. A paper tube, into which tobacco is poured for making cigarettes, the same as a sleeve.
Explanatory dictionary of the Russian language Ushakov
cartridge(French patron) -
1) a bullet (projectile), a powder charge and a means of ignition (primer) connected by means of a sleeve into one whole. P. there are pistol, rifle, artillery, hunting rifles, etc.;Dictionary of economic terms
cartridge(French patron)
1) a bullet (projectile), a powder charge, a means of ignition connected by means of a sleeve into one whole.
2) in ancient Rome, the person exercising patronage.One-volume large legal dictionary
cartridge(French patron, German Patrone) (military), connected by means of a sleeve into one whole bullet (projectile), powder (combat) charge, primer or primer sleeve. The gun is used for firing small arms and some artillery pieces. The first pistols, which appeared in the 17th century, had a paper sleeve in which a powder charge and a bullet were placed. In the 60s. 19th century paper unitary pistols appeared, containing a powder charge, a bullet, and a percussion cap in a cartridge case. Soon paper P. were replaced by metal unitary. The use of firearms, especially metal ones, accelerated the loading (reloading) of weapons and significantly increased their rate of fire. Depending on the types of weapons, modern firearms are: pistol, rifle, gun, firearms of hunting rifles, etc. Firearms are divided into combat, auxiliary (blank) and training (see also Artillery shot).
Great Soviet Encyclopedia, TSB
cartridgepatr about on the
Complete spelling dictionary of the Russian language
cartridgeammunition consisting of a bullet or shot enclosed in a single shell with a propellant charge and (for primer cartridges) with a primer a device in the form of a hollow tube in which a workpiece, other device, etc. is placed. pattern for a pattern box with a pre-measured charge of gunpowder , which spilled into the charging chamber of a flintlock or matchlock gun
Wiktionary
cartridgein ancient Rome - a rich man, patron of the poor, the owner of an enterprise, institution, patron, intercessor of a saint, patron of a person bearing the name of this saint, or patron, protector of a city, community
In ancient Rome, patronage is a form of patronage that brought inferior or poor citizens into dependence on rich and influential citizens.
Patron - a noble citizen (originally from the patricians), the patron of freedmen and clients dependent on him and their defender in court.
From the most ancient times, to which our information about the Roman state relates, and until the end of its existence, Roman society was a slave society.
The legal status of slaves was determined by the fact that a slave is not a subject of law, he is one of the categories of the most necessary things in the economy, along with livestock or as an addition to the land.
Freedom in ancient Rome was acquired in two ways: a person could be free from birth, or become free as a result of release from slavery.
The freedman (libertinus), as a general rule, acquired the legal status of the person who granted him freedom, and depending on who his former owner was - a peregrine, a Latin or a Roman citizen, he himself received a status corresponding to the legal status of a peregrine, either a latan or Roman citizen.
In the case of release from slavery outside the special procedure established for this, the freedman did not become freed at all from the point of view of jus civile. However, his freedom was secured by the praetor, and he thus found himself in a peculiar state of actual freedom (in libertate morari).
The scope of their legal capacity was limited. Not only did they not have jus connubii, but their jus commercii was significantly curtailed, since it did not cover the ability to make a will, in connection with which all their property passed after death to the former master. It is no coincidence that the words “vivunt ut li-beri, moriuntur ut servi” (live as free, die as slaves) belonged to Latini Juniani. The category latini Juniani continued to exist even after latini veteres and latini coloniarii received the rights of Roman citizenship, and was only abolished by Justinian, who declared all freedmen Roman citizens, if only they were released with five witnesses.
Freedmen of the Peregrines, unlike the Peregrines themselves, could never become citizens of Rome.
In addition, the relationship of the freedman with his former master was not completely broken. The latter now acted as the patron (patronus) of the freedman, who was obliged to honor the patron and, in particular, did not have the right to apply to him with dishonorable claims (actiones famosae), the satisfaction of which entailed the restriction of the defendant's legal capacity. The freedman could bring other claims against the patron only with the permission of the magistrate. A freedman who did not observe obseqium - respect for the patron, risked losing his freedom and becoming a slave again (revocatio in servitutem propter ingratitudinem - returning to slavery due to ingratitude).
The freedman, further, undertook to render to the patron any kind of service (oregae) if the patron needed them, and the patron, who experienced financial difficulties, had the right to receive maintenance (ali-menta) from the freedman. The property of a freedman who did not leave a will and had no children passed to the patron in the order of inheritance.
The basis of the "special relationship" between the freedman and the patron, the Roman lawyers saw in the fact that the patron gave the freedman freedom, just as a father gives life to his son. This is why the patron had over the freedman a kind of power that the paterfamilias had over children. In reality, however, the “paternal” power of the patron over the freedman allowed the former slave owner to continue, albeit in a modified form, the exploitation of people previously subject to him after they had left the slave state.
In some cases, a slave released to freedom returned back to the state of slavery (for example, due to the manifestation of gross ingratitude towards the person who released him to freedom).
Even when acquiring Roman citizenship, a freedman was not quite equal in legal status to a freeborn.
In the field of private law, there were, firstly, some special restrictions on the legal capacity of a freedman. For example, before Augustus, a freedman was forbidden to marry a freeborn person. The prohibition of the marriage of a freedman with a person of senatorial rank remained until Justinian. Secondly, the libertine was dependent on his former master (who was called his patron).
So, the patron had the right:
- a) the respectfulness of the libertine towards the patron. This was, for example, of practical importance in the sense that the freedman could not summon the patron to trial and, consequently, was defenseless against the arbitrariness of the patron;
- b) to perform services for the patron (essentially a moral obligation, but it was usually supported by an agreement and turned into a legal one). The obligation of the libertine to perform services for the patron led to such exploitation that the praetor was nevertheless forced to come up with some restrictive measures;
- c) to inherit after the freedman, as well as the right to alimony from the freedman. Such a right belonged in case of need not only to the patron himself, but also to his children and parents.
in Roman law, a person who provided patronage and protection to non-full members of Roman civil and political society, namely clients(media freedmen(cm.). For the former, the patrons were the patricians with whom the clients entered into a dependent relationship, and their heirs. For the latter, the patron was considered the person who committed the act of manummission (cm), while his successors were descending agnatic relatives, regardless of whether they were the heirs of the first P. required share. With capitis deminitio minima (see), P. lost his rights over the freedman, and in ancient times the freedman became completely free; according to later law, descending agnates also became P. in this case. With capitis deminutio maxima, P. could indicate one or more of the descending agnates as the successor to his rights. For failure to fulfill his obligations in relation to a freedman (for example, if he refused him in case of need for alimony) or for abusing his rights (for example, if the patron hired out the services of a freedman, which he could only personally use; took an oath from him that that he would not marry; he negotiated money for himself; filed a criminal suit) P. was completely deprived of his rights over the client.
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UDC 347.965(37)(091)
Pages in the magazine: 139-143
M.E. PANKRATOVA,
PhD in Law, Associate Professor of the Department of Theory, History of Law and State Studies, International Institute of Business Education pankratova .mayya @gmail .com
S.A. SOLOVIEV,
postgraduate student of the Department of Theory, History of Law and State Studies of the International Institute of Business Education, lawyer of the Murmansk Regional Bar Association solovyov @gmx.com
The period of the emergence of the institution of advocacy in Ancient Rome is determined. For this, the emergence of an element of legal assistance in the activities of patrons, including judicial protection and legal advice, is considered.
Key words: Ancient Rome, advocacy, patronage, patron, client.
The emergence of the Bar patronage of Ancient Rome
Pankratova M., Solovjev S.
The period of advocacy institution’s beginnings is identified in the article. Emergence of legal assistance’s element, including remedy and legal advice, in patrons’ activities is examined for that.
Keywords: Ancient Rome, advocacy, patronage, patron, client.
Based on the opinion widespread in the scientific literature, the form of legal activity in ancient Rome, which directly formed the institution of the bar, is the patronage (for its designation, some authors use the term "patronage-clientela" or "clientela").
However, there is no single well-established idea regarding the causes and moment of the emergence of patronage. According to the versions of ancient authors - Plutarch (Plut., Romul., 13) and Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Dionys., 2.10) - the institution described was established by Romulus, who divided people into two categories: patrons (patronus) and clients (cliens), i.e. patrons and patronized. Mark Tullius Cicero also discusses the origin of patronage (Cic ., De rep ., 2.15.16).
In accordance with later studies, the patronage was formed long before the founding of Rome, being an institution characteristic of all European peoples; according to another version, it could have arisen as a result of the need for foreigners in Rome to be under the protection of a citizen and his family.
Without disputing the opinion regarding the reason for the origin of patronage due to going beyond the scope of this study, the following should be noted. We believe, on the basis of a number of testimonies of ancient authors (Dionys ., 1.83.3; Fest ., 335, Scelerata porta ; Liv ., 2.49-50; Ov ., Fast ., 2.196, 2.198, 2.204, 2.225, 2.240; Plut ., Cam., 19; Sil. It., 6.637) one should agree with the point of view of I.L. Beacon and recognize the fact of the existence of patronage-clientele relations in ancient Rome already at the beginning of the era of the kings.
However, in order to identify the period of the advocacy in Ancient Rome, it is not enough to establish the approximate time frame for the existence of the patronage, since the ideas of modern researchers about the nature of the activities of the patrons also differ. Moreover, based on the opinion of a number of authors, the traditional interpretation of the institution of patronage-clients (including as an institution for providing legal assistance to clients and, accordingly, the first form of advocacy) has become obsolete.
It should be noted that a practically well-established opinion in the scientific literature is the judgment on the implementation of legal activities by patrons - judicial protection of clients and their legal advice, starting from the moment patronage arises. This point of view is substantiated by researchers with fragments from the works of Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Dionys ., 2.10) and Plutarch (Plut ., Romul ., 13).
As a result of the foregoing, based on this version, the moment of the emergence of the institution of the bar, formed under the guise of patronage, should be dated to the 8th century BC. e., i.e. from the moment of the emergence of the Roman state.
In contrast, in accordance with a number of developments in recent years (by authors such as P. Brant and E. Drummond), traditional ideas about the judicial protection provided by patrons during the periods of the monarchy and the early republic were subjected to serious criticism. These researchers convincingly prove the anachronism of the descriptions of Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Dionys., 2.9-11) and Festus (Fest., 253M, Patronus), suggesting their reconstruction based on later social relations that developed during the period of the middle republic.
In this case, the moment of the emergence of the institution of the bar should be dated to a different time period, in view of the fact that one of the main forms of legal assistance provided by lawyers is judicial protection, which, based on the second version, was absent in the powers of the patrons of the monarchy and the early republic.
First of all, it must be pointed out that patrons who did not simultaneously perform the office of priest-pontiff could not have a qualified knowledge of the laws due to the secret storage of laws until the 3rd century BC. e. pontiffs. Therefore, if we assume that the patrons provided judicial protection during the periods of the monarchy and the early republic (preceding the fall of the monopoly of the pontiffs on jurisprudence), then it is necessary to conclude that the professional level and quality of such protection did not meet the requirements for legal, and even more so for advocacy. For this reason, the patrons also could not provide legal advice, explain the laws. Consequently, in terms of the level of legal qualifications and professionalism, such judicial activity of patrons until the 3rd century BC. e. was identical to the similar activities of intercessors (advocatus).
Moreover, if the patron simultaneously filled the office of pontiff, as a result of which he was aware of the law, then on the basis of the statements of Pomponius (Dig., 1.2.2.6) and Titus Livy (Liv., 6.1, 9.46), the direct obligation of the pontiffs to keep the legislation secret appears that such patron-pontiff was not authorized to divulge the rules of law known to him in the course of providing judicial protection. Consequently, in this case, too, the patron could not provide legal assistance.
Moreover, legal assistance in the form of legal advice was first provided by the pontiffs from the 3rd century BC. e., i.e., in the so-called period of the middle republic.
In addition to the above, based on the trials of the VIII-III centuries mentioned by ancient authors. BC e. (App., Bc., 1.1.2; Dionys., 1.78, 3.22, 9.28-36, 10.5-6, 11.46; Flor., 17.24.2-3; Liv., 1.3-4, 1.26, 2.52, 3.12, 3.44-47, 3.56-58, 8.33, 26.3), it follows that intercessors provided protection in these cases. There are no indications of participation in the trials of patrons as defenders. In contrast, in the case of the client of Marcus Claudius for the recognition of Virgil as a slave (Flor., 17.24.2-3; Dionys., 9.28-36; Liv., 3.44-47), Appius Claudius, who was Marcus Claudius's patron, conducted the trial. As follows from the above sources, Appius Claudius did not provide legal assistance to his client in the trial, which also contradicts the obligations of patrons described by Dionysius of Halicarnassus “to file a lawsuit for offended clients if someone harms them in connection with contracts; give support to those who are called to judgment” (Dionys., 2.10). Also, the fact that the patron of the case, in which his client is a party, contradicts the assertion of Dionysius of Halicarnassus that both parties (patrons and clients) “were not allowed and not befitting to speak in lawsuits, testify or vote before the people against each other, and even more so act on the side of the opponents" (Dionys., 2.10.3).
In relation to the process under consideration under the claim of Mark Claudius, this can mean either a gross violation of his obligations by the patron, or, most likely, the absence of patron-client relations in the periods of the monarchy and the early republic in the form described by Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Plutarch and Festus.
At the same time, L.L. Kofanov, according to whom the system of judicial protection and suretyship, according to the Laws of the XII tables 451-450. BC e. the name of the patronage, so the researcher concludes that the most important element of the ancient clientele was judicial patronage. In support of his position, the author refers to Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Plutarch, as well as to the Digests of Justinian (Dig ., 26.4.3-5).
It should be noted, however, that Ulpian in the Digests (Dig., 26.4.3-5) does not describe the activities of patrons in providing legal aid, but their powers and procedures as legal guardians. Ulpian specifies that the patron became a guardian by virtue of the provisions of the Laws of the XII tables, as a consequence of the patron's right to inherit the property of his freedman (Dig., 26.4.1-3; Lex XII tab. V. 8a). However, the legal nature of the exercise of judicial protection and action in the interests of the ward are strikingly different. Therefore, in our opinion, it is insufficiently substantiated to cite in support of the version of the provision of legal assistance by patrons during the periods of the monarchy and the early republic, their ability to act as legal guardians.
At the same time, Cicero's statement that Mark Cornelius Cethegus was considered the first reliable speaker (Cic., Brutus, 15.57), in conjunction with the statement of Pseudo-Asconius in the commentary on Cicero's speech against Quintus Caecilius (Ps. Asconius, ad Cic. divin. in Caecil. , en ., 11) that “one who defends another in court is called a patron if he is a speaker” also allows us to conclude that patrons began to exercise judicial protection no earlier than from the 3rd century BC. e. (This period coincides with the life of Mark Cornelius Cethegus, whose performance as a consul dates back to 204 BC).
In addition to this, from the play of Titus Maccius Plautus, confirmation of the facts of the patrons providing judicial protection to their clients at the beginning of the 2nd century BC follows. e. (Plaut ., Men ., 571-600).
The above arguments are also consistent with the opinion of G. Deben and A. Morillo that during the first five centuries (i.e. VIII-IV centuries BC) there was no judicial eloquence in Ancient Rome. It began to develop only from the middle of the III century BC. e.
At the same time, it should be noted that before the adoption in 204 BC. e. of the law of Cincius in ancient Rome there was no legislative regulation of the participation of patrons in court proceedings. At the same time, the norm of the Laws of the XII tables (8.21), which provides for the betrayal of a patron to the underground gods, which causes harm to the client, cannot be taken as proof of the opposite due to its complete abstractness and non-involvement in legal proceedings. For the same reasons, the norms of the Laws of the XII tables (5.8a, 5.8b) on the right of patrons to inherit the property of their freedmen cannot serve as confirmation of their exercise of judicial protection.
It follows from the foregoing that the beginning of the formation of the legal framework governing the judicial activities of patrons was laid only at the end of the 3rd century BC. e., which also indirectly indicates the absence of such powers from patrons in previous periods.
Thus, it is necessary to conclude: in the institution of patronage, which was formed at the beginning of Roman statehood, up to the 3rd century BC. e. did not include public relations to provide patrons with legal assistance to clients, including judicial protection. At the same time, starting from the indicated time, the patron acted as a judicial orator, that is, he was considered a judicial defender of other persons, authorized at the same time to protect the client during court hearings.
The above facts, together with free and unrestricted access to legal knowledge after the fall of the pontifical monopoly on jurisprudence at the end of the 4th century BC. e. testify to the provision of qualified legal assistance to clients by patrons.
However, it should be additionally noted that, based on individual fragments of the plays by Titus Maccius Plautus and Terence, dated 190-188. BC e. and 160 BC. e., the patron was meant only as a "patron" who did not exercise legal protection (Plaut ., Capt ., 445; Ter ., Ad ., 456). As the authors cited above point out, even freedmen and slaves, who apparently did not possess any degree of legal knowledge, could have the status of patron (Plaut ., Asin ., 650; Cas ., 740; Rudens , 706, 1267).
The foregoing, together with the mentioned possibility of patrons to act as legal guardians, and also in accordance with the opinion of a number of researchers, allows us to conclude that the institution of patronage-clients throughout the period of its existence also included other social relations not related to advocacy.
Thus, the status of the patron did not have integrity, it consisted of separate elements with different competences and legal status of its representatives.
In conclusion, it should be noted that, in our opinion, the advocacy of Ancient Rome arose within the framework of the institution of patronage in the 3rd century BC. e., i.e., from the moment when the activities of the patrons reached compliance with all the signs of advocacy.
Bibliography
1 See, for example: Vaskovsky E.V. Organization of the bar: in 2 vols. Vol. 1: Essay on the general history of the bar. - SPb., 1893. S. 40; Danilov E.P. Lawyer's Handbook. 2nd ed., revised. and additional - M., 2005. S. 9; Dekhanov S.A. Advocacy of the Ancient East, Greece and Rome (comparative analysis) // Lawyer. 2005. No. 8. P. 87; Mackenzie T. Roman law compared with the laws of France, England and Scotland / transl. from English. - M., 1864. S. 405-406; Stoyanov A.N. The history of advocacy [among ancient peoples]. Issue. 1. Ancient world: Egypt, India, Jews, Greeks, Romans. - Kharkov, 1869. C. 46-47; Grellet-Dumazeau M.Th. Le Barreau romain / 2nd ed. - Paris, 1858. P. 233.
2 See: Kovalev S.I. History of Rome / ed. E.D. Frolova. - SPb., 2002. S. 91; Fustel de Coulanges N.D. Ancient city. Religion, laws, institutions of Greece and Rome / per. from English. L.A. Igorevsky. - M., 2010. S. 115; Pokrovsky I.A. History of Roman law. - SPb., 1998. S. 36.
3 See: Fustel de Coulange N.D. Decree. op. S. 116; Nemirovsky A.I. History of early Rome and Italy. The emergence of class society and the state. - Voronezh, 1962. S. 146.
4 See: Muromtsev S.A. Civil law of ancient Rome. - M., 2003. S. 59.
5 See: Mayak I.L. Rome of the first kings (Genesis of the Roman policy). - M., 1983. S. 156-157.
6 See: Godkin D.Ya. The problem of patronage and clientele in the political life of the Roman Republic in the new edition of the "Cambridge Ancient History" // Vestn. ancient history. 2008. No. 4. S. 248; Smyshlyaev A.L. People, power, law in late republican Rome (on the concept of F. Millar) // Ibid. 2003. No. 3. S. 46.
7 See: Vaskovsky E.V. Decree. op. T. 1. S. 42-43; Dekhanov S.A. Western European Advocacy: Comparative Legal Research. - M., 2008. S. 36-37; Ivakin V.N. Representation of lawyers in civil cases: a history of development. - M., 2008. S. 17-18; Korotkova P.E. About advocacy and lawyer secrecy in ancient states // Advocate practice. 2009. No. 5 // SPS "ConsultantPlus"; Sineoky O.V. Advocacy as an institution of legal assistance and protection: problems of formation and development prospects: monograph. - Zaporozhye, 2007. S. 31.
8 See: Brunt P.A. The Fall of the Roman Republic and Related Essays. - N.Y., 1988. P. 382-442.
9 See: Drummond A. Rome in the Fifth Century I: the Social and Economic Framework // The Cambridge Ancient History. Vol. 7.Pt. 2. The Rise of Rome to 220 B.C. / 2nd ed. - Cambridge, 2008. P. 113-171.
10 See: Brunt P.A. Op. cit. P. 402, 405-406; Drummond A. Op. cit. P
. 159.11 See: Smyshlyaev A.L. People, power, law in late republican Rome (on the concept of F. Millar) // Vestn. ancient history. 2003. No. 3. S. 46-60. URL: http://ancientrome.ru/publik/article.htm?a=1305792348&v=print
12 See: Dionysius of Halicarnassus. Roman antiquities: in 3 vols. Vol. 1 / per. from ancient / ed. I.L. Lighthouse. - M., 2005. S. 93.
13 See: Kofanov L.L. Lex and ius: the emergence and development of Roman law in the VIII-III centuries. BC e. - M., 2006. S. 134-135.
14 Pseudo-Asconius. In M. Tullii Ciceronis orationem in Q. Caecilium quae divinatio dicitur // M. Tulllii Ciceronis opera quae supersunt.
Vol. 5, Ps. 2. Turici, 1833, p. 104; cited according to: Vaskovsky E.V. Decree. op. T. 1. S. 48.15 cm .: The Cambridge Ancient History. 2nd ed. Vol. 8. Rome and Mediterranean to 133 B.C. - Cambridge, 2008. P. 527.
16 See: Titus Maccius Plavt. Comedy: in 2 vols. Vol. 1: per. from lat. - M., 1987. S. 670.
17 See: Deben G., Morillo A. Judicial orators in the Ancient world: per. from fr. - SPb., 1895. S. 78-79.
18 See: Bartoszek M. Roman law: concepts, terms, definitions: per. from Czech. - M., 1989. S. 184; Tiraspolsky G.I. Roman laws (pre-Justinian era): a dictionary-reference book. - M., 2010. S. 34.
19 Laws of the XII tables // Reader on the history of Ancient Rome / ed. S.L. Utchenko. - M., 1962. S. 70.
20 Laws of the XII tables. S. 65.
21 See: Pukhta G.F. History of Roman law / trans. V. Litskoy. - M., 1864. S. 224; Fustel de Coulanges N.D. The history of the social system in ancient France: per. from French: in 6 vols. T. 5. - St. Petersburg, 1901-1916. pp. 263-287; Stavely E.S. Rome and Italy in the Early Third Century // Cambridge Ancient History. Vol. 7.Pt. 2. The Rise of Rome to 220 B.C. 2nd ed. - Cambridge, 1989. S. 420-455.
), the patron of freedmen and clients dependent on him and their defender in court. A special servant (nomenclator) helped to maintain numerous relationships with clients.
Clients, in turn, had to greet their patron in his house every morning, act as messengers, be his personal guards or clackers during performances. If the patron wanted to nominate his candidacy for public office, clients were required to vote for him at popular meetings (committees). However, after laws were passed that established voting by means of tablets ( leges tabellariae), checking for loyalty to the patron became impossible, which was quite convenient for clients, since many of them had several patrons and because of this they could not decide who to vote for.
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In the vicinity of Bogucharov there were more and more large villages, state-owned and quitrent landlords. There were very few landowners living in this area; there were also very few serfs and literates, and in the life of the peasants of this area were more noticeable and stronger than in others, those mysterious jets of Russian folk life, the causes and significance of which are inexplicable to contemporaries. One of these phenomena was the movement between the peasants of this area to move to some kind of warm rivers, which manifested itself about twenty years ago. Hundreds of peasants, including Bogucharov's, suddenly began to sell their livestock and leave with their families somewhere to the southeast. Like birds flying somewhere beyond the seas, these people with their wives and children strove to go there, to the southeast, where none of them had been. They went up in caravans, bathed one by one, ran, and rode, and went there, to the warm rivers. Many were punished, exiled to Siberia, many died of cold and starvation along the way, many returned on their own, and the movement died down by itself just as it had begun without an obvious reason. But the underwater streams did not stop flowing in this people and gathered for some kind of new force that could manifest itself just as strangely, unexpectedly, and at the same time simply, naturally and strongly. Now, in 1812, for a person who lived close to the people, it was noticeable that these underwater jets produced a strong work and were close to manifestation.
Alpatych, having arrived in Bogucharovo some time before the death of the old prince, noticed that there was unrest among the people and that, contrary to what was happening in the Bald Mountains on a sixty-verst radius, where all the peasants left (leaving the Cossacks to ruin their villages), in the steppe zone , in Bogucharovskaya, the peasants, as was heard, had relations with the French, received some papers that went between them, and remained in their places. He knew through the courtyard people devoted to him that the peasant Karp, who had recently traveled with a state-owned cart, and who had a great influence on the world, returned with the news that the Cossacks were devastating the villages from which the inhabitants came out, but that the French did not touch them. He knew that another peasant had even brought yesterday from the village of Visloukhovo, where the French were stationed, a paper from the French general, in which the inhabitants were declared that no harm would be done to them and that everything that was taken from them would be paid for if they stayed. As proof of this, the peasant brought from Visloukhov one hundred rubles in banknotes (he did not know that they were fake), given to him in advance for hay.