Shoot to kill. How Yeltsin shot parliament. A crime without a statute of limitations. Why did Yeltsin need the execution of the White House? Why was the white house stormed in 1993
Dispersal of the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation
(also known as " White House shooting», « The shooting of the House of Soviets», « October uprising 1993», « Decree 1400», « October putsch», "Yeltsin's coup of 1993") - an internal political conflict in the Russian Federation on September 21 - October 4, 1993. Occurred as a result of the constitutional crisis that has been developing since 1992.
The result of the confrontation was the forcible termination of the Soviet model of power in Russia that had existed since 1917, accompanied by armed clashes on the streets of Moscow and subsequent uncoordinated actions of the troops, during which at least 157 people died and 384 were injured (124 of them on October 3 and 4 , 348 wounded).
The crisis was the result of a confrontation between two political forces: on the one hand, the President of the Russian Federation Boris Yeltsin (see the All-Russian referendum on April 25, 1993), the government headed by Viktor Chernomyrdin, part of the people's deputies and members of the Supreme Council - supporters of the president, and on the other hand - opponents of the socio-economic policy of the president and the government: Vice-President Alexander Rutskoy, the main part of the people's deputies and members of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation, headed by Ruslan Khasbulatov, the majority of which was the Russian Unity bloc, which included representatives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Fatherland faction "(radical communists, retired military and deputies of a socialist orientation), "Agrarian Union", the deputy group "Russia", led by the initiator of the unification of communist and nationalist parties, Sergei Baburin.
Events began on September 21 with the issuance by President B. N. Yeltsin of Decree No. 1400 on the dissolution of the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Council, which violated the Constitution in force at that time. Immediately after the issuance of this decree, Yeltsin was de jure automatically removed from the presidency in accordance with Article 121.6 of the current constitution. The Presidium of the Supreme Council, which was in charge of monitoring the observance of the constitution, which met on the same day, stated this legal fact. The Congress of People's Deputies confirmed this decision and assessed the president's actions as a coup d'état. However, Boris Yeltsin de facto continued to exercise the powers of the President of Russia.
A significant role in the tragic outcome was played by the personal ambitions of the Chairman of the Supreme Council Ruslan Khasbulatov, expressed in his unwillingness to conclude compromise agreements with the administration of Boris Yeltsin during the conflict, as well as Boris Yeltsin himself, who, after signing Decree No. 1400, refused to talk directly with Khasbulatov even by phone.
According to the conclusion of the State Duma Commission, a significant role in aggravating the situation was played by the actions of the Moscow police to disperse rallies and demonstrations in support of the Supreme Council and detain their active participants from September 27 to October 2, 1993, which in some cases took on the character of mass beatings of demonstrators with the use of special equipment.
From October 1, with the mediation of Patriarch Alexy II, under the auspices of the Russian Orthodox Church, negotiations were held between the warring parties, at which it was proposed to work out a “zero option” - simultaneous re-elections of the president and people's deputies. The continuation of these negotiations, scheduled for 16:00 on October 3, did not take place due to the mass riots that began in Moscow, an armed attack by a group of defenders of the Supreme Council led by Albert Makashov on conscription and. about. President Alexander Rutskoy on the city hall building and the departure of a group of armed supporters of the Supreme Council on stolen army trucks to the Ostankino television center.
Opinions about the position of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation headed by V. D. Zorkin differ: in the opinion of the judges themselves and supporters of the Congress, he remained neutral; according to Yeltsin's side, he participated on the side of the Congress.
The investigation of the events was not completed, the investigation team was disbanded after the State Duma decided in February 1994 on an amnesty for persons who participated in the events of September 21 - October 4, 1993, related to the issuance of Decree N 1400, and opposed its implementation, regardless of the qualification of actions under the articles of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR. As a result, society still does not have unambiguous answers to a number of key questions about the tragic events that took place - in particular, about the role of political leaders who spoke on both sides, about the affiliation of snipers who fired on civilians and police officers, actions of provocateurs, about who is to blame for the tragic denouement.
There are only versions of the participants and eyewitnesses of the events, the investigator of the dissolved investigation group, publicists and the commission of the State Duma of the Russian Federation, headed by communist Tatyana Astrakhankina, who arrived in Moscow from Rzhev at the end of September 1993 to protect the House of Soviets, which her party comrades, in particular Alexei Podberyozkin, called "orthodox".
In accordance with the new Constitution, adopted by popular vote on December 12, 1993 and in force with some changes to the present day, the President of the Russian Federation received significantly broader powers than under the 1978 Constitution in force at that time (as amended in 1989-1992). The post of vice-president of the Russian Federation was eliminated.
Outcome
The victory of President Yeltsin, the elimination of the post of vice president, the dissolution of the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation, the termination of the activities of the Councils of People's Deputies. The establishment of a presidential republic as a form of government in Russia to replace the previously existing Soviet republic.
President of Russia
Council of Ministers of Russia
Administration of the President of Russia
Supporters of the President of the Russian Federation B. N. Yeltsin:
Democratic Russia
living ring
August-91
Public-patriotic association of volunteers - defenders of the White House in August 1991 in support of democratic reforms "Detachment" Russia ""
Democratic Union
Union of Afghanistan Veterans
Taman division
Kantemirovskaya division
119th Guards Airborne Regiment
Separate motorized rifle division of special purpose named after. Dzerzhinsky
1st detachment of special forces of the internal troops "Vityaz".
Congress of People's Deputies of Russia
Supreme Soviet of Russia
Vice President of Russia
Supporters of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation and the Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation, including:
- National Salvation Front (FTS)
- « Russian national unity» ( RNE, named leader also " Barkashovtsy», « Guard Barkashov»)
- "Labor Russia" and others.
Commanders from Boris Yeltsin's side -
Boris Yeltsin
Viktor Chernomyrdin
Yegor Gaidar
Pavel Grachev
Victor Erin
Valery Evnevich
Alexander Korzhakov
Anatoly Kulikov
Boris Polyakov
Sergey Lysyuk
Nikolai Golushko
White House Commanders (for Soviet power):
Alexander Rutskoy,
Ruslan Khasbulatov
Alexander Barkashov
Vladislav Achalov
Stanislav Terekhov
Albert Makashov
Victor Anpilov
Viktor Barannikov
Andrey Dunaev
Citizens who died as a result of the storming of the House of Soviets and mass executions in the area of the House of Soviets on October 4-5, 1993
1. Abakhov Valentin Alekseevich
2. Abrashin Alexey Anatolyevich
3. Adamlyuk Oleg Yuzefovich
4. Alyonkov Sergey Mikhailovich
5. Artamonov Dmitry Nikolaevich
6. Boyarsky Evgeny Stanislavovich
7. Britov Vladimir Petrovich
8. Bronyus Jurgelenis Junot
9. Bykov Vladimir Ivanovich
10. Valevich Victor Ivanovich
11. Roman Verevkin
12. Vinogradov Evgeny Alexandrovich
13. Vorobyov Alexander Veniaminovich
14. Vylkov Vladimir Yurievich
15. Gulin Andrey Konstantinovich
16. Devonissky Alexey Viktorovich
17. Demidov Yuri Ivanovich
18. Andrey Deniskin
19. Denisov Roman Vladimirovich
20. Duz Sergey Vasilyevich
21. Evdokimenko Valentin Ivanovich
22. Egovtsev Yuri Leonidovich
23. Ermakov Vladimir Alexandrovich
24. Zhilka Vladimir Vladimirovich
25. Ivanov Oleg Vladimirovich
26. Kalinin Konstantin Vladimirovich
27. Katkov Viktor Ivanovich
28. Klimov Yuri Petrovich
29. Klyuchnikov Leonid Alexandrovich
30. Kovalev Viktor Alekseevich
31. Kozlov Dmitry Valerievich
32. Kudryashev Anatoly Mikhailovich
33. Kurgin Mikhail Alekseevich
34. Kurennoy Anatoly Nikolaevich
35. Kurysheva Marina Vladimirovna
36. Leybin Yury Viktorovich
37. Livshits Igor Elizarovich
38. Manevich Anatoly Naumovich
39. Marchenko Dmitry Valerievich
40. Matyukhin Kirill Viktorovich
41. Morozov Anatoly Vasilievich
42. Mosharov Pavel Anatolievich
43. Nelyubov Sergey Vladimirovich
44. Obukh Dmitry Valerievich
45. Pavlov Vladimir Anatolievich
46. Panteleev Igor Vladimirovich
47. Papin Igor Vyacheslavovich
48. Parnyugin Sergey Ivanovich
49. Peskov Yuri Evgenievich
50. Pestryakov Dmitry Vadimovich
51. Pimenov Yuri Alexandrovich
52. Polstyanova Zinaida Alexandrovna
53. Rudnev Anatoly Semenovich
54. Saygidova Patimat Gatinamagomedovna
55. Salib Assaf
56. Svyatozarov Valentin Stepanovich
57. Seleznev Gennady Anatolyevich
58. Sidelnikov Alexander Vasilievich
59. Smirnov Alexander Veniaminovich
60. Spiridonov Boris Viktorovich
61. Andrey Spitsin
62. Sursky Anatoly Mikhailovich
63. Timofeev Alexander Lvovich
64. Fadeev Dmitry Ivanovich
65. Fimin Vasily Nikolaevich
66. Hanush Fadi
67. Khloponin Sergey Vladimirovich
68. Khusainov Malik Khaidarovich
69. Chelyshev Mikhail Mikhailovich
70. Chelyakov Nikolai Nikolaevich
71. Chernyshev Alexander Vladimirovich
72. Choporov Vasily Dmitrievich
73. Shalimov Yury Viktorovich
74. Shevyrev Stanislav Vladimirovich
75. Yudin Gennady Valerievich
Citizens who died in other districts of Moscow and the Moscow region in connection with the implementation of the coup d'état on September 21 - October 5, 1993
1. Alferov Pavel Vladimirovich
2. Bondarenko Vyacheslav Anatolievich
3. Vorobieva Elena Nikolaevna
4. Drobyshev Vladimir Andronovich
5. Dukhanin Oleg Alexandrovich
6. Kozlov Alexander Vladimirovich
7. Malysheva Vera Nikolaevna
9. Novokas Sergey Nikolaevich
10. Ostapenko Igor Viktorovich
11. Solokha Alexander Fedorovich
12. Tarasov Vasily Anatolyevich
Soldiers and employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs who died while performing tasks in support of the coup d'état
1. Alekseev Vladimir Semenovich
2. Baldin Nikolai Ivanovich
3. Boyko Alexander Ivanovich
4. Gritsyuk Sergey Anatolievich
5. Drozdov Mikhail Mikhailovich
6. Korovushkin Roman Sergeevich
7. Korochensky Anatoly Anatolyevich
8. Korshunov Sergey Ivanovich
9. Krasnikov Konstantin Kirillovich
10. Lobov Yury Vladimirovich
11. Mavrin Alexander Ivanovich
12. Milchakov Alexander Nikolaevich
13. Mikhailov Alexander Valerievich
14. Pankov Alexander Egorovich
15. Panov Vladislav Viktorovich
16. Petrov Oleg Mikhailovich
17. Reshtuk Vladimir Grigorievich
18. Romanov Alexey Alexandrovich
19. Ruban Alexander Vladimirovich
20. Savchenko Alexander Romanovich
21. Sviridenko Valentin Vladimirovich
22. Sergeev Gennady Nikolaevich
23. Sitnikov Nikolai Yurievich
24. Smirnov Sergey Olegovich
25. Farelyuk Anton Mikhailovich
26. Khikhin Sergey Anatolyevich
27. Shevarutin Alexander Nikolaevich
28. Shishaev Ivan Dmitrievich
The October Putsch (the shooting of the White House) is an internal political conflict in the Russian Federation in September-October 1993, which occurred as a result of the constitutional crisis in the country that arose after the collapse of the Soviet Union.
The October Putsch has gone down in history as one of the most violent and brutal coup d'état in modern history. The riots that took place on the streets of Moscow with the participation of the armed forces claimed the lives of many people, and even more were injured. The October coup is also known as the "execution of the White House" due to the armed assault on the White House (where the government was sitting) using tanks and heavy equipment.
Reasons for the putsch. Confrontation of political forces
The October coup was the result of a long crisis in power, which had been dragging on since 1992 and was associated with the confrontation between the old government, which had remained since the days of the USSR, and the new one. The new government was headed by President Boris Yeltsin (who seized power as a result of the August putsch of 1991), who was a supporter of complete separation (later the Russian Federation) from the USSR and the destruction of all remnants of the Soviet system of government. Yeltsin was supported by the government headed by Chernomyrdin, some people's deputies and members of the Supreme Soviet. On the other side of the barricades were opponents of the political and economic reforms carried out by Yeltsin. This side was supported by the bulk of the members of the Supreme Council, headed by Ruslan Khasbulatov, as well as Vice President Alexander Rutskoi.
Yeltsin did not suit all members of the government. In addition, the reforms that Yeltsin introduced in his early years as president raised a lot of questions and, in the opinion of some, only exacerbated the crisis that reigned in the country. The unresolved issue with the Constitution of the Russian Federation also complicated the situation. As a result, dissatisfaction with the actions of the new government grew to the point that a special council was convened, at which it was planned to decide on the issue of confidence in the president and the Supreme Council, since conflicts within the government only aggravated the situation in the country.
The course of the October Putsch
On September 21, Boris Yeltsin issued the famous "Decree 1400", by which he announced the decision to dissolve the Supreme Soviet and the Congress of People's Deputies. However, this decision contradicted the Constitution in force at that time, therefore, legally, Boris Yeltsin was automatically removed from the post of President of the Russian Federation. Despite this, Yeltsin continued to act as president, ignoring his legal status and government dissatisfaction.
On the same day, the Supreme Council met and, together with the Congress of People's Deputies, stated the fact of violation of the Constitution and declared Yeltsin's actions a coup d'état. Yeltsin did not listen to these arguments and continued to pursue his policy.
On September 22, the Supreme Council continued its work. Yeltsin was replaced by Rutskoi, who overturned the former president's decision to dissolve the Supreme Soviet. An emergency Congress of People's Deputies was convened, at which a decision was made on a number of dismissals of representatives of the "Yeltsin" cabinet of ministers. Amendments to the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation were adopted, which provided for criminal liability for a coup d'état.
On September 23, the Supreme Council continued its meeting, and Yeltsin, despite his status, issued a decree on early presidential elections. On the same day, there was an attack on the building of the joint command of the CIS Armed Forces. The military began to be involved in the coup, control began to be strengthened.
On September 24, the Deputy Minister of Defense issued an ultimatum to the members of the Supreme Council, according to which they must surrender all weapons, close the Congress and leave the building. Then the deputies were forbidden to leave the building of the White House (supposedly for their safety).
From that moment on, the situation began to worsen. Both sides began to erect barricades, rallies and armed clashes did not stop on the streets of Moscow, but the Supreme Soviet continued to meet, refusing to leave the building.
On October 1, under the patronage of Patriarch Alexei the 2nd, negotiations were held between the parties, as a result of which, on October 2, the parties began to remove the exposed barricades. However, a little later, the Supreme Council announced the rejection of the agreement reached. The building of the White House was again disconnected from electricity and began to be surrounded by barricades, and the negotiations were postponed to October 3, but due to numerous rallies in the city, the negotiations never took place.
On October 4, there was a tank assault on the White House building, during which many deputies were killed and wounded.
The results and significance of the October putsch
Estimates of the October coup are ambiguous. Someone believes that the Yeltsin government seized power by force and destroyed the Supreme Soviet, someone says that Yeltsin was forced to take such measures because of the ongoing conflicts. As a result of the coup d'etat in September-October 1993, the Russian Federation finally got rid of the legacy of the USSR, completely changed the system of government and finally turned into a presidential republic.
October 1993, the Russian parliament was dispersed by tanks and special forces. Then a civil war almost started in Moscow, caused by a political war between President Yeltsin and the Supreme Soviet. Its tragic point was the shooting of the parliament building ("White House"). Who ordered and who fired at the "White House"? What is the role of the West in those events? And what did they end up doing for the country?
FROM THE HISTORY
Politicians fought, and ordinary people died. 150 people
Political feuds between President Yeltsin and the Supreme Soviet headed by Khasbulatov lasted throughout 1993. At that time, the Kremlin was working on a new Constitution, since the old one, according to the president, hampered reforms. The new Constitution endowed the President with enormous rights and nullified the rights of Parliament.
Tired of butting heads with the deputies, on September 21, 1993, Yeltsin signed Decree No. 1400 on the termination of the activities of the Supreme Council. The deputies refused to comply, announcing that Yeltsin had carried out a "coup d'état", that his powers were terminated and transferred to Vice President Rutskoi.
OMON blocked the "White House", where the parliament was sitting. Communications, electricity, water were cut off there. Supporters of the Supreme Council built barricades, and on September 3, their clashes with the riot police began, 7 demonstrators were killed, dozens were injured.
Yeltsin declared a state of emergency in Moscow. And Rutskoi called for the capture of the Ostankino television center in order to gain access to the air. Dozens of people died during the capture of Ostankino. On the night of October 4, Yeltsin gave the order to storm the White House. In the morning the building was shelled. In total, 150 people died on October 3-4, four hundred were injured. Khasbulatov and Rutskoi were arrested and sent to Lefortovo.
FIRST-HAND
Ruslan Khasbulatov, Chairman of the Supreme Council in 1993:
Kohl Persuaded Clinton to Help Yeltsin Destroy Parliament
Ruslan Imranovich, after 15 years, how do you see the history of October 1993?
The greatest tragedy that turned the vector of Russia's development. They just got freedom - and a tank shooting of the parliament. In October 1993, democracy was shot in Russia. Since then, this concept has been discredited in Russia, people are allergic to it. The shooting of the Supreme Council led to autocratic thinking in the country.
So, if there had been no bloody October 1993, Russia could have been different?
Parliament would not have allowed many destructive reforms, the formation in the 1990s of a satellite "under-state" completely subordinate to the West. What now to blame the United States and Europe, who swear that Russia kicked up? After all, during the Yeltsin decade, they got used to the fact that Russia is a humiliated suppliant, unquestioningly carrying out any hint. And here Putin and Medvedev are unfolding in a new way. I personally saw the transcript of the conversation between Helmut Kohl (at that time German chancellor. - Ed.) and Clinton. Kohl tried to convince the US president that the Russian parliament was interfering with Yeltsin, that there was complete mutual understanding with Yeltsin - "he unquestioningly fulfills all our requests." But his parliament is “nationalist”. (Note, not even a communist one.) We supposedly should help Yeltsin get rid of the nationalists. Clinton agreed. The West pushed Yeltsin to reprisal and helped him to carry it out.
ARROW INDICATIONS
Tank officer:
“Our company was promised a bag of money”
"Komsomolskaya Pravda" tracked down the former tanker who shot at the parliament
The platoon commander of the Kantemirovskaya Panzer Division, who was in 1993, agreed to answer my questions on the condition that his name be changed. He asked to call himself Andrei Orenburg.
Andrew, why did you leave the army?
Everyone who performed the task at the "White House" after the 93rd was uncomfortable living in a military camp. The officers, who obviously kept party cards, called us "traitors" and "murderers." Then leaflets appeared on the fences - with a death sentence and a list of our names. At night, they threw stones at the windows ... I had to ask to go to other districts. But there was a hell of a rumor going on. Moreover, thanks from Yeltsin were recorded in the personal file of each. And everyone has the same date - October ... And it's clear to a fool ...
How did your hike start?
In October, our company arrived from the state farm - they helped to harvest. The foreman took the soldiers to the bathhouse, and the officers went home. I climbed into the shower, soaped myself, and then my wife shouted through the door: “Alarm!” Of course, I'm a mother-to-be, but a propeller in a regiment. And there is a lot of hustle and bustle. The commander of our company, Grishin, said that there was a mess in Moscow, people were buzzing, we would restore order. I also remember asking: what does the army have to do with it, if there is a police? Grishin said: “They are no longer enough ...”
How did you go?
They crawled out onto the Minsk highway and along the side of the road, they spared the asphalt. Some kind of Volga began to slow us down. In the headphones, the commander with a wild obscenity - the mechanics: “Do not stop! Fuck her! Or throw it in a ditch!
The Volga stopped us anyway. Grishin was yelling something in the ear of the peasant from the Volzhanka. Then - into the tank, and then we went. And Grishin shouts to me: “This man said: “Son, you will get a bag of money, just save Yeltsin from enemies!”
The imaginary bag of money was inspiring. In the early morning we approached the Kutuza to the hotel "Ukraine". Two of our tanks were already at the White House. Then two more came up.
What ammunition did you have?
Different. And there were training blanks, and cumulative ones ... That's when I realized that it smells like kerosene. But there were also cartridges for machine guns... Colonel-General Kondratiev approached. Said, "If someone is afraid, he can leave." Nobody left. I was hoping that maybe I wouldn't have to shoot...
Did you understand what was happening?
Grishin told me that our task is to "demonstrate strength." At first, there was no talk of shooting seriously.
What else do you remember about the bridge?
People broke through to us, but the riot police did not let them in. They were waving deputy ksivas. They shouted: "Guys, relatives, do not shoot!" ... Then the tank was ordered to go to the middle of the bridge. They deployed guns in the direction of the "White House". So they stood. And suddenly Grishin's voice was in the headphones: "Prepare to open fire!" ... Then the order was to hit the main entrance. To the very middle.
What projectile?
The first shot is a blank. He took aim low in excitement. The blank ricocheted and went to the side ... The second - there too. Hands were trembling. Grishin fired me, ordered me to get out from behind the sight. Sat in my place. And on the fifth floor. It hit the window right.
It was heartbreaking! The people are there. Yes, and the building is beautiful ... After all, the Russians were shooting at the Russians ... When it was all over, I wanted to get drunk on vodka and fall asleep ...
We were transferred to Khodynka. We were well fed and even given vodka - an unprecedented thing! And at the same time there was an order to submit performances for the awarding of those who distinguished themselves.
Were you also introduced?
Yes. To the medal. “For the exemplary execution of the Russian parliament” (laughs). But seriously, they gave 200 rubles "bonuses". And they promised a “bag of money” ...
Victor BARANETS
THE PAST AND THOUGHTS
Gennady BURBULIS, in the early 90s, Secretary of State of the Russian Federation, Yeltsin's ally: "The Kremlin was in a coma"
I remember how on the evening of October 3 Filatov (the head of Yeltsin's administration. - Auth.) called me: "Something must be done." I got into the car and drove through the frighteningly empty Moscow. It was an eerie silence. I drove into the 14th building of the Kremlin. Dead building. Nobody walks in the corridors. Everyone is desolate. It is impossible to imagine that such a state is possible in the heart of a vast country, in the brain of its power. I think the state the Kremlin was in was a coma, a paralysis. But the White House was in the same state. It was impossible to allow this state to last even an hour, not to mention days.
Did Yeltsin personally give the order to use force?
Who else could give? When the decision was made by Yeltsin, agreements began between the security forces on further actions.
Was there anyone who spoke strongly against the shooting?
Such decisions are never taken with glee. But there are situations where choice avoidance is an even greater shame. The country was on the brink of civil war. In the midst of such events there are always adventurers, thirsting for turmoil and blood. I believe that both sides are equally responsible - both Yeltsin's supporters and Khasbulatov's supporters. Both sides persisted, but the people suffered.
What has this tragedy taught Russia?
The execution of parliament is historically always a tragedy. But October 1993 led to the adoption of a new constitution. She proclaimed that a person, his rights and freedoms are the highest value, and became the backbone of the country for the coming decades. This is such an amazing historical logic. October 1993 is the payment for the prospects we have today.
WHAT WAS IT
Alexander Tsipko, political scientist:
“In 1993, Russia turned away from the path of a parliamentary republic”
There is a terrible historical pattern in the shooting of the White House. These deputies supported the Belovezhskaya Accords, destroying the USSR. And two years later, history itself rejected them.
Before the execution of the Supreme Soviet, Russia had the opportunity to maintain a parliamentary-presidential republic. But another option was chosen - a presidential, even super-presidential republic. In fact, the restoration of omnipotence, almost autocracy. Opportunities for a peaceful, peaceful transition from communism to capitalism were missed. Russia became the only country in Eastern Europe that achieved a political goal through bloodshed. We missed the path followed by the rest of the socialist camp. The parliamentary path, which opened up more space for democracy.
The struggle between parliament and Yeltsin is not a conflict within the people, but a disassembly of the ruling strata among themselves. Yeltsin and Gaidar wanted immediate total reforms, including the privatization of the oil industry. Parliament was in favor of gradual reforms.
Ever since Yeltsin shot parliament in 1993, there has been a gulf between the people and the government. Since then, the attitude towards power among the people has developed as if it had nothing to do with it.
The events of October 1993 remind us that the system that has taken shape in Russia since then is unsustainable. The dispute about the parliamentary beginning has not been fully resolved. And the fact that the prime minister in Russia today has turned into a figure relying on the majority in the Duma is not accidental. Sooner or later, Russia will still have to seek a democratic balance between parliament and executive power.
ONLY HERE
Former Alpha commander Gennady ZAYTSEV: “The President said: we need to free the White House from the gang that has settled there”
For the first time, a special forces officer talks about why he refused to obey the order on October 4, 1993
Gennady Nikolaevich, how did the Alfa and Vympel groups (then they were part of the Main Security Directorate - the current FSO of Russia) manage in 1993 to do without an assault on the White House, without victims?
The President's order was, of course, not the same as we did...
Was it a written order?
No. Yeltsin simply said: this is the situation, we need to free the "White House" from the gang that has settled there. The order was such that it was necessary to act not by persuasion, but by force of arms.
But not terrorists were sitting there, but our citizens ... We decided to send parliamentarians there.
So there was no blood?
How was it not? Our Alfa member, junior lieutenant Gennady Sergeev, died ... They drove up to the "White House" in a BAT. A wounded paratrooper lay on the pavement. And they decided to take him out. They dismounted from the BTEER, and at that time the sniper hit Sergeyev in the back. But it was not from the "White House" there was a shot, I unequivocally declare.
This meanness, it was with one purpose - to embitter "Alpha", so that she rushed there and began to shred everything. But I understood that if the operation was abandoned at all, then the unit would be finished. It will be overclocked...
Khasbulatov and Rutskoi hesitated for a long time - to give up, not to give up?
No, not long. We set a time limit of 20 minutes. And two conditions: either we build a corridor towards the Moskva River, call buses and take everyone to the nearest metro station. Or 20 minutes later the assault. They said that they agreed to the first option... One of the deputies said bluntly: why debate here?
What if they didn't give up?
Well no. Well, why don't they give up? Where are they? Then they would have been detained with the use of force.
With the use of weapons?
I think no. We had orders not only for them, but in general. But especially with respect to these, of course.
Rutskoi and Khasbulatov?
Naturally.
Was there an order to shoot?
Well, understand the reality of the situation. Since the order is to release the "White House" from the gang that has settled there ... So you won't release it by persuasion. This means that we must fight ... But we were told: everyone with weapons, when leaving the White House, leave it in the lobby. There, a mountain of weapons was formed ... But still, "Alpha" and "Vympel" fell out of favor.
Why?
For one simple reason, that the order had to be carried out by other methods.
That is, power?
Yes. Therefore, in December 1993, a Presidential Decree was signed on the transfer of Vympel to the Ministry of Internal Affairs.
What about Alpha?
I think that Barsukov (at that time the director of the GDO) somewhere could report to Yeltsin: they say, this unit no longer exists, and that's it, Boris Nikolaevich. And they forgot about Alpha. And in 1995 she was transferred to the Lubyanka ...
Alexander GAMOV.
REVELATION
Andrei DUNAEV, until the summer of 1993, Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, supporter of the Supreme Council:
“Snipers were sent from the US Embassy”
If we wanted, we would have stayed in the White House for a month or two. There were supplies of weapons and food. But then a civil war would break out. If instead of Khasbulatov there was a Russian, perhaps everything would have turned out differently. The Rostov OMON, who arrived in Moscow, told me: “Two m ... ka are fighting for power. One is Russian and the other is Chechen. So it’s better to support the Russian.”
They supported not the law, but the Russian Boris.
A few years later, I met at a birthday party with former Defense Minister Pavel Grachev. He said: “Remember, I walked in front of the tanks without a helmet? It's for you to kill me." That is, he set himself up on purpose. But we didn't shoot... In front of my eyes, an employee of the Ministry of Internal Affairs died, he was mowed down by a sniper from the Mir Hotel. They rushed there, but the shooter managed to leave, only by special signs and style of performance they realized that this was not the handwriting of our MVD, not KGB, but someone else. Apparently, foreign intelligence agencies. And they sent instigators from the American embassy. The US wanted to stir up a civil war and ruin Russia.
Olga KHODAEVA ("Express newspaper").
You can also read other materials about the execution of the parliament in Express Gazeta.
ONLY NUMBERS
People against violence
Since 1993, the Yuri Levada Center has been conducting regular surveys of the population about those events. If in 1993 the use of force was justified by 51% of respondents, and in Moscow by 78%, then 12 years later, the use of force was approved by only 17% of Russians, and 60% opposed.
Some of them have already died. Most are still screwing up. The time will come and these degenerates will be overtaken by the people's punishment. Everyone. And directly killed and called to kill ...
________________________________________ ________
Yeltsin executioners. Punishers of the House of Soviets.
1. Yeltsin's "heroes" of October 1993 Leaders of the assault on the House of Soviets
The Minister of Defense directly led the assault on the House of Soviets P. Grachev(died), he was helped by the deputy. Defense Minister General K. Kobets(died). General Kobets's assistant was General D.Volkogonov(died). (According to Yu. Voronin, in the midst of the execution of the White House, he told him by phone: “The situation has changed. The President, as the Supreme Commander, signed an order to the Minister of Defense to storm the House of Soviets and took full responsibility. We will suppress the putsch at any cost. Order in Moscow will be guided by the forces of the army.")
Military units participating in the assault and their commanders:
- 2nd Guards Motorized Rifle (Tamanskaya) Division, Commander - Major General Evnevich Valery Gennadievich.
- 4th Guards Tank (Kantemirovskaya) Division, Commander - Major General Polyakov Boris Nikolaevich.
- 27th separate motorized rifle brigade (Teply Stan), commander - colonel Denisov Alexander Nikolaevich.
- 106th Airborne Division, commander - colonel Savilov Evgeniy Yurievich.
- 16th Special Forces Brigade, Commander - Colonel Tishin Evgeny Vasilievich.
- 216th separate special forces battalion, commander - lieutenant colonel Kolygin Viktor Dmitrievich.engaged in the preparation of the assault
- regiment commander lieutenant colonel Ignatov A.S.,
- Regimental Chief of Staff Lieutenant Colonel Istrenko A.S.,
- battalion commander Khomenko S.A.,
- battalion commander captain Susukin A.V.,
- deputy division commander lieutenant colonel Mezhov A.R.,
- regiment commander lieutenant colonel Kadatsky V.L.,
- regiment commander lieutenant colonel Arkhipov Yu.V.
- Petrakov I.A.,
- deputy tank battalion commander Brulevich V.V.,
- battalion commander major Rudoy P.K.,
- reconnaissance battalion commander lieutenant colonel Ermolin A.V.,
- tank battalion commander Serebryakov V.B.,
- deputy commander of a motorized rifle battalion Maslennikov A.I.,
- reconnaissance company captain Bashmakov S.A.,
- senior lieutenant Rusakov.
The officers who took part in the storming of the House of Soviets received 5 million rubles (about $4,200) each as a reward, the OMON officers were given 200,000 rubles (about $330) twice each, the privates received 100,000 rubles each, and so on.
All in all, at least 11 billion rubles (9 million dollars) were spent on encouraging those who especially distinguished themselves, apparently - this amount was taken out of the Goznak factory and ... disappeared (!). (At that time, the dollar exchange rate was 1200 rubles.)
***
Yegor Gaidar and snipers in October 1993
A bloodbath near the walls of the Russian parliament, when on October 3, 1993, the “chief rescuer” Sergei Shoigu issued a thousand machine guns to the First Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers Yegor Gaidar, who was preparing to “defend democracy” from the Constitution. More than 1000 units small arms (AKS-74U assault rifles with ammunition!) from the Ministry of Emergency Situations were distributed by Yegor Gaidar into the hands of "defenders of democracy", incl. Boxer militants. On the "pre-shooting" night at the Moscow City Council, where Yegor Gaidar called on TV in 20:40, gathered crowds of Hasidim! And from the Moscow Soviet balcony, someone simply called for the killing of "these pigs who call themselves Russian and Orthodox." Alexander Korzhakov’s book “Boris Yeltsin: From Dawn Till Dusk” reports that when Yeltsin scheduled the capture of the White House at 7 am on October 4 with the arrival of tanks, the Alpha group refused to storm, considering everything that was happening unconstitutional and demanding the conclusion of the Constitutional Court. The Vilnius scenario of 1991, where "Alfa" was dealt the meanest blow, as if a carbon copy, was repeated in Moscow in October 1993: http://expertmus.livejournal.com/3897... Both there and here were involved "unknown" snipers who shot in the back of the opposing sides. In one of the communities, our message about snipers was followed by a comment that “these were Israeli snipers who, under the guise of athletes, were placed in the Ukraine Hotel, from where they conducted aimed fire.” So where did those same armored personnel carriers with armed civilians (!) come from, who opened fire on the defenders of the parliament FIRST, provoking all further bloodshed? By the way, the Ministry of Emergency Situations had not only “white KAMAZ trucks” from which weapons were handed out at the Moscow City Council, but also armored vehicles! A year earlier, on the night of November 1, 1992, Shoigu, sent by the same Gaidar (then acting prime minister) to Vladikavkaz to resolve the Ossetian-Ingush conflict, transferred 57 T-72 tanks (together with crews) to the North Ossetian police.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gWd9SLa6nd8#t=24
Erin V.F., General of the Army, Minister of Internal Affairs of Russia, one of the main participants in the October events of 1993.
In September 1993, he supported the decree of the President of the Russian Federation No. 1400 on constitutional reform, the dissolution of the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Council. The units of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia, subordinate to Erin, dispersed opposition rallies, participated in the siege and storming of the House of Soviets of Russia.
On October 1, 1993 (a few days before the dispersal of the parliament by tanks), Yerin was awarded the rank of army general. He took an active part in the armed suppression of the defenders of the Supreme Council on October 3-4. On October 8, he received the title of Hero of the Russian Federation for this. On October 20, Boris N. Yeltsin appointed him a member of the Security Council of the Russian Federation.
On March 10, 1995, the State Duma expressed no confidence in VF Yerin (268 deputies voted for no confidence in the Minister of Internal Affairs). On June 30, 1995, after the failure of the hostage release in Budyonovsk, he resigned. In 1995-2000 - Deputy Director of the Foreign Intelligence Service of the Russian Federation. Retired since 2000.
Lysyuk S.I.., lieutenant colonel, commander of the Vityaz special forces detachment (until 1994).
On October 3, 1993, the Vityaz detachment under the command of Lieutenant Colonel S.I. Lysyuk opened fire on the people besieging the Ostankino television center, as a result of which at least 46 people were killed and 114 wounded. On October 7, 1993, "for courage and heroism" shown during the execution of unarmed defenders of the constitution, he was awarded the title of Hero of Russia. He does not hide the fact that the command to open fire was given to them, which he does not hesitate to talk about on television.
Now retired, promoted to colonel, became president of the Association for Social Protection of Special Forces "Brotherhood of Maroon Berets" Vityaz "" and a member of the board of the Union of Anti-Terror Veterans.
Belyaev Nikolai Alexandrovich- Chief of Staff of the 119th Guards Airborne Regiment (106th Guards Airborne Division). Also awarded.
Shoigu Sergey- Faithful Yeltsin jackal! Mode accomplice. At the moment, the Minister of Defense of the Russian Federation.
Evnevich Valery Gennadievich. From 1992 to 1995 - Commander of the Taman Guards Motor Rifle Division of the Moscow Military District. In October 1993, he participated in the dispersal of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation, his division shot down the building of the White House.
KADATSKY V.L.., criminal, executioner 1993.Now VL Kadatsky is the head of the Department of Regional Security of the city of Moscow. Friend of S.S. Sobyanin
Nikolai Ignatov- killed Russian people in the rank of lieutenant colonel. Lieutenant General, Deputy Commander of the Airborne Forces
Konstantin Kobets. Since September 1992 - Chief Military Inspector of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation; simultaneously from June 1993 - Deputy, and from January 1995 - Secretary of State - Deputy Minister of Defense of the Russian Federation. Died in 2012.
Colonel DENISOV ALEXANDER NIKOLAEVICH
27th separate motorized rifle brigade (Teply Stan).
1995-1998 - Commander of the 4th Guards Kantemirovskaya Tank Division of the Moscow Military District; since 1998, he has served as military commandant.
Colonel SAVILOV EVGENY YURIEVICH
106th Airborne Division.
In 1993-2004, he commanded the 106th Tula Guards Red Banner Order of Kutuzov II degree airborne division.
Savilov was awarded three orders and other state awards. In the period from 2004 to 2008 he was an adviser to the governor of the Ryazan region. By decree of the President of the Russian Federation, he was awarded the honorary title of Honored Military Specialist of the Russian Federation.
Kulikov Anatoly Sergeevich- lieutenant general, commander of the Internal Troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia.
On October 3, 1993, at 16.05, he gave the order to the Vityaz detachment by radio "to advance to strengthen the security of the Ostankino complex." Witnesses-journalists (including those from pro-presidential newspapers - Izvestia, Komsomolskaya Pravda) later said that the armored vehicles of the internal troops fired indiscriminately both at the demonstrators and at the Ostankino TV tower and surrounding houses. A. Kulikov himself claimed that the Vityaz opened fire on people led by General A. Makashov only after N. Sitnikov, a Vityaz fighter, was killed by a grenade launcher at 19.10, and that government forces “... did not open fire first. The use of weapons was targeted. There was no continuous zone of fire ... ". According to the results of the official investigation, there was no shot from a grenade launcher at all (the flash of an explosive package thrown from the TV center building by one of the "Vityaz" was mistaken for it). In clashes near Ostankino, one fighter of the government side, several dozens of unarmed demonstrators, two employees of Ostankino and 3 journalists, including two of them foreign (all employees and journalists were killed by A. Kulikov's subordinates), were killed.
As gratitude for the execution of unarmed demonstrators, A. Kulikov received in October 1993 the rank of colonel general.
Since July 1995 - Minister of the Interior of the Russian Federation, since November - General of the Army. Since February 1997 - Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation - Minister of Internal Affairs. He was a member of the Security Council of the Russian Federation (1995-1998), the Defense Council of the Russian Federation (1996-1998).
It was under Kulikov that the internal troops in the Russian Federation grew to an incredible scale - more than 10 divisions, turning, in fact, into the second army of Russia. In the internal troops, according to some experts, there are only two times fewer military personnel than in the Russian army, and at the same time, the financing of the explosives is much more complete and better. As the Moskovsky Komsomolets newspaper noted (February 13, 1997), the fact that the "domestic gendarmerie corps" has grown to such a scale can only mean one thing: "our authorities are afraid of their people much more than any aggressive NATO bloc."
In March 1998, the government of V. S. Chernomyrdin was dismissed, while A. S. Kulikov was removed from all posts. In December 1999 he was elected a deputy of the State Duma of the 3rd convocation, in December 2003 - a deputy of the 4th convocation. Member of the United Russia faction. Since 2007 - President of the Club of Military Leaders of the Russian Federation.
Romanov Anatoly Alexandrovich- Lieutenant General, Deputy Commander of the Internal Troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia, torturer of prisoners of the Krasnaya Presnya stadium.
On December 31, 1994, by Decree of the President of the Russian Federation, he was awarded the Order of Military Merit No. 1. On November 5, 1995, by Decree of the President of the Russian Federation, he was awarded the title of Hero of the Russian Federation. On November 7, 1995, by Decree of the President of the Russian Federation, he was awarded the military rank of Colonel General.
On October 6, 1995, as a result of a terrorist act, he was seriously wounded in the city of Grozny, miraculously survived, but remained disabled. Since then, he has been in a coma.
F. Klintsevich
2. Bedding of the Yeltsin regime
Address by Grigory Yavlinsky in October 1993
Grigory Yavlinsky, founder of the Yabloko party, during the confrontation between the President of the Russian Federation and the Supreme Council in September-October 1993, he eventually sided with Yeltsin.
The evolution of meanness. Ghouls of Ostankino in 1993
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3yIS7pHUJo0
TV HOSES in 1993. About the events of October 3-4, 1993 and Yeltsin's TV bedding
The first series shows what they are talking about now and what they were talking about on the eve of the execution of the Supreme Council and the defenders of the Constitution in October 1993, the following scum, nonhumans and accomplices in seizing power in the country (that is, a crime without a statute of limitations, for which the death penalty is due and 18 years ago and now): Mikhail Efremov, Liya Akhedzhakova, Dmitry Dibrov, Grigory Yavlinsky, Yegor Gaidar.
Liya Akhedzhakova in 1993 about the execution of the Parliament. The old witch rages
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5Iz8IX0XygI
The well-known letter of intellectual bastards to the newspaper "Izvestia" - Crush the reptile! dated October 5, 1993 signed:
Ales Adamovich,
Anatoly ANANEV,
Artem ANFINOGENOV,
Bella AKHMADULINA,
Grigory BAKLANOV,
Zori BALAYAN,
Tatyana BEK,
Alexander BORSHAGOVSKY,
Vasil BYKOV,
Boris VASILEV,
Alexander GELMAN,
Daniel GRANIN,
Yuri DAVYDOV,
Daniil DANIN,
Andrey DEMENTEV,
Mikhail DUDIN,
Alexander Ivanov,
Edmund IODKOVSKY,
Rimma KAZAKOVA,
Sergey KALEDIN,
Yuri KARYAKIN,
Yakov Kostyukovsky,
Tatiana KUZOVLEVA,
Alexander KUSHNER,
Yuri LEVITANSKY,
Academician D.S. LIHACHEV,
Yuri NAGIBIN,
Andrey NUIKIN,
Bulat OKUDZHABA,
Valentin OSKOTSKY,
Grigory POZHENYAN,
Anatoly PRISTAVKIN,
Lion CROSSING,
Alexander REKEMCHUK,
Robert CHRISTMAS,
Vladimir SAVELYEV,
Vasily SELYUNIN,
Yuri CHERNICHENKO,
Andrey CHERNOV,
Marietta CHUDAKOVA,
Mikhail CHULAKI,
Viktor Astafiev.
Sources of information.
In the early years of the existence of the Russian Federation, the confrontation President Boris Yeltsin and the Supreme Council led to an armed clash, the shooting of the White House and bloodshed. As a result, the system of government bodies that had existed since the times of the USSR was completely eliminated, and a new Constitution was adopted. AiF.ru recalls the tragic events of October 3-4, 1993.
Before the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR, according to the Constitution of 1978, was empowered to resolve all issues within the jurisdiction of the RSFSR. After the USSR ceased to exist, the Supreme Soviet was an organ of the Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation (the highest authority) and still had enormous power and authority, despite the amendments to the Constitution on the separation of powers.
It turned out that the main law of the country, adopted under Brezhnev, limited the rights of the elected President of Russia, Boris Yeltsin, and he strove for the speedy adoption of a new Constitution.
In 1992-1993, a constitutional crisis erupted in the country. President Boris Yeltsin and his supporters, as well as the Council of Ministers, entered into a confrontation with the Supreme Soviet, chaired by Ruslana Khasbulatova, most of the People's Deputies of the Congress and Vice President Alexander Rutsky.
The conflict was connected with the fact that its parties completely differently represented the further political and socio-economic development of the country. They had especially serious differences over economic reforms, and no one was going to compromise.
Aggravation of the crisis
The crisis entered its active phase on September 21, 1993, when Boris Yeltsin announced in a televised address that he had issued a decree on a phased constitutional reform, according to which the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet were to cease their activities. He was supported by the Council of Ministers, headed by Viktor Chernomyrdin And Mayor of Moscow Yury Luzhkov.
However, under the current Constitution of 1978, the president did not have the authority to dissolve the Supreme Council and the Congress. His actions were regarded as unconstitutional, the Supreme Court decided to terminate the powers of President Yeltsin. Ruslan Khasbulatov even called his actions a coup d'état.
In the following weeks, the conflict only escalated. Members of the Supreme Council and people's deputies actually found themselves blocked in the White House, where communications and electricity were cut off and there was no water. The building was cordoned off by police and military personnel. In turn, opposition volunteers were given weapons to guard the White House.
The storming of Ostankino and the shooting of the White House
The situation of dual power could not continue for too long and eventually led to riots, armed clashes and the shooting of the House of Soviets.
On October 3, supporters of the Supreme Council gathered for a rally on October Square, then moved to the White House and unblocked it. Vice President Alexander Rutskoi urged them to storm the city hall on Novy Arbat and Ostankino. The city hall building was seized by armed demonstrators, but when they tried to get into the television center, a tragedy broke out.
To defend the television center in Ostankino, a detachment of special forces of the Ministry of Internal Affairs "Vityaz" arrived. An explosion occurred in the ranks of the fighters, from which Private Nikolai Sitnikov died.
After that, the "Knights" began to shoot at the crowd of supporters of the Supreme Council, who had gathered near the television center. Broadcasting of all TV channels from Ostankino was interrupted, only one channel remained on the air, broadcasting from another studio. An attempt to storm the television center was unsuccessful and led to the death of a number of demonstrators, military personnel, journalists and random people.
The next day, October 4, troops loyal to President Yeltsin launched an assault on the House of Soviets. The White House was shelled by tanks. A fire broke out in the building, due to which its facade was half blackened. Shots of shelling then spread around the world.
Onlookers gathered to watch the execution of the White House, putting themselves in danger because they fell into the field of view of snipers located on neighboring houses.
During the day, the defenders of the Supreme Council began to leave the building en masse, and by the evening they stopped resisting. Opposition leaders, including Khasbulatov and Rutskoi, were arrested. In 1994, the participants in these events were amnestied.
The tragic events of late September - early October 1993 claimed the lives of more than 150 people, about 400 people were injured. Among the dead were journalists who covered what was happening, and many ordinary citizens. October 7, 1993 was declared a day of mourning.
After October
The events of October 1993 led to the fact that the Supreme Council and the Congress of People's Deputies ceased to exist. The system of state bodies, left over from the times of the USSR, was completely eliminated.
Photo: commons.wikimedia.org
Before the elections to the Federal Assembly and the adoption of the new Constitution, all power was in the hands of President Boris Yeltsin.
On December 12, 1993, a popular vote was held on the new Constitution and elections to the State Duma and the Federation Council.