The process of internal colonization in Western Europe. Internal Colonization: The Russian Empire One Hundred Years Later History Miscellaneous. See what "colonization" is in other dictionaries
Clothing and jewelry
The climatic conditions of most European countries demanded to dress warmer than the Romans removed. In contrast to the ancient glorification of the beauty of the human body, the church considered the body to be sinful and insisted that it should be covered with clothing.
For a long time, women's and men's clothing looked like: a long, knee-length shirt, short pants, an overshirt, a raincoat. In the XII century. it began to differ more and more, the first signs of fashion appeared. Changes in dress styles reflected the then societal preferences. Men began to wear thick stockings in the 14th century. turned into pants, women wore only skirts. However, the opportunity to follow the fashion had mainly representatives of the wealthy strata. The church did not approve of the nobility's fascination with fashion.
Of the clothes, the peasant usually wore a linen shirt - a kameez and pants to the knees or even to the ankles. Over the kameez, another long shirt with wide and long sleeves (blouse) was worn. The outer garment was a cloak, tied at the shoulders with a clasp (fibula). In winter, they wore either a roughly combed sheepskin coat, or a warm cape made of dense fabric or fur.
Clothing reflected a person's place in society. The attire of the wealthy was dominated by bright colors, cotton and silk fabrics. The poor were content with dark clothes made of coarse homespun cloth. Shoes for men and women were leather pointed boots without hard soles. Most of the poor people walked the country roads or the dirt of the city streets in wooden shoes or barefoot. Hats originated in the 13th century. and have changed continuously since then. Habitual gloves acquired importance during the Middle Ages. Shaking hands in them was considered an insult, and throwing a glove to someone was a sign of contempt and a challenge to a duel.
The nobility liked to add various decorations to their clothes. Men and women wore rings, bracelets, belts, chains. Very often, these things were unique pieces of jewelry. For the poor, all this was unattainable. And not only because of the cost, but also because it was prohibited by law. Wealthy women spent significant amounts of money on cosmetics and perfumes brought by merchants from eastern countries. They were envied by the representatives of the beautiful half of humanity, who could not afford such a luxury, but tried to keep up with fashionistas.
At the end of the XI century. The population of medieval Europe for the first time began to feel that it was cramped on its own continent. The knights wandered along the paths, wondering where to find their possessions, in what war to take part and conquer the lands. The peasants also began to lack land to feed themselves and pay tribute to their feudal lord. All this forced the Europeans to start colonization- Development of new lands. The time of active European colonization was the entire period of the XI - XIII centuries.
In the Middle Ages there were military (external) and internal colonization. Military colonization was aimed at capturing new lands by force of arms outside the spread of Western Christian civilization. The military colonization of Europeans was directed to the Iberian Peninsula, where the fight against the Arabs was fought, and was called reconquista(reconquest), to Palestine, where Crusades under the pretext of the dismissal of the Holy Sepulcher to the Baltic states, where, under the flag of the fight against the pagans, the local population was actually destroyed, etc.
internal colonization- this is the development by peasants of an array of free lands in Europe. By that time, there were enough free territories in Europe. It was only necessary to put a lot of work in order for them to give a harvest and feed the people. Peasants developed new lands with great difficulty, but the threat of crop failures and famine pushed them to this. They cut down forests, drained swamps and turned them into fertile fields. That process was very difficult, exhausting and long. Only within a few generations could a peasant family change an unsuitable for agriculture area for a fertile field. As a rule, developed lands were a continuation of already existing fields.
The seniors supported the efforts of the peasants, they understood: the development of new lands would lead to an increase in the population, because then more people would be able to feed themselves; perhaps even new villages will arise, the inhabitants of which will pay them taxes, and they will become even richer. Therefore, the feudal lords encouraged the peasants to cultivate virgin lands, freeing them from paying taxes for a certain period.
The need for land even pushed the peasants to attack the sea. So, the inhabitants of the Netherlands built dams and gradually conquered patches of land from the sea, turning them into pastures. The competition between man and the water element has been going on for centuries. Sometimes, during storms, the sea flooded the drained lands, but people restored the dams, and again, instead of sea waves, hay turned green.
To carry out such a grandiose attack on nature, new tools and all kinds of technical inventions were required. Most of the new tools or methods of farming were invented not at a time when Europeans were expanding their living space (XI-XIII centuries), but much earlier. However, it was at this time that they began to be used massively and played a decisive role. Heavy axes began to be used to cut down forests next to the billhooks. For plowing new lands, a heavy wheeled plow began to be used, in which, thanks to collars and harnesses, a horse began to be harnessed. The clamp transferred the burden of work for the horse from the neck to the chest, which did not contribute to rapid fatigue. And iron horseshoes for horses began to protect against injuries. Heavy iron harrows began to be used to loosen the earth. Thanks to plows and harrows, it was possible to develop heavier, but fertile soils. Windmills, borrowed from the East, have become an important element of the rural landscape.
Along with technical innovations, new technologies for cultivating the land have also become established. In most parts of Europe, the three-field system was established. The land that the peasant had at his disposal, he divided into three parts. The first part from autumn was sown with winter crops. The second spring spring. The third - rested, i.e. was under steam. The following year, the first field was left fallow, the second was sown with winter crops, and the third with spring crops. In addition, crop rotation was carried out. The same crop was not sown in the same field for several years in a row. They began to use organic fertilizers. These changes in technique and technology made it possible to slightly increase the yield.
From the editor: The reason for the conversation with Alexander Etkind was the collection “There, Inside,” published by the ULO publishing house. Gefter.ru decided to articulate the author's concept of internal colonization in a more detailed conversation. Was Russia in captivity at home? Or is it so full of it - only an illusion that overshadows and sometimes blocks social processes?
Alexander Etkind - culturologist, essayist. Professor at the European University (St. Petersburg) and Cambridge University (Great Britain).
The concept of "Internal colonization" by its very meaning implies the constancy of not only economic, but also political rules of interaction between the colonizers and the colonized. To what extent can we talk about clear political rules in the case of external colonization? Or were these rules fluid, changeable? Were they absorbed, for example, by the inertia of tradition? Or centralized modernization?
This is an important question. Exploitation, exoticization and violence are the ingredients of colonization. In other words, it is economics, politics and culture. Thus, although economic exploitation has always been the goal of colonization, and political violence has often been its means, defining colonization (that is, distinguishing it from other types of conquest or suppression) is cultural distance. It was created by the efforts of either one (dominant) or both sides of colonial relations. The cultural distance was constructed by the imperial elite in relation to both external and internal colonies. Politically, colonial rule always began and ended with states of emergency and always tried to normalize them. The metropolis tried to establish rules and laws, but usually they were not very successful in this. At best, the rule of law was established in the metropolis and remained the privilege of its population, contributing to its growing difference from the colonists and the "savages" they colonized. I call it the imperial gradient: economic standards and human rights in the metropolises were generally higher and better respected than in the colonies. But in a situation of internal colonization, for example, in Russia, a reverse imperial gradient was established: the benefits and rights on the periphery of the empire turned out to be better secured than in the center.
Is it possible to find the point at which the internal colonization of Russia began? And when did it end - or maybe end?
In moments of growth, internal colonization mixed with external colonization, when the empire's borders expanded and left unexplored spaces inside. Internal colonization becomes a separate process during periods of relative stability, such as in the 19th century. My own book, which is now being translated by the New Literary Review, ends at the beginning of the 20th century. I consider in it the processes of internal colonization that preceded the Russian Empire and went on throughout the imperial period. I start with the fur trade, which to a large extent shaped the territory of the Russian kingdom and then the empire, especially the dynamic eastern frontiers. Then the furs ran out, and the vast territory captured for the sake of this colonial commodity remained. This territory had to be mastered, the peoples inhabiting it had to be civilized, and the state, swollen on the export of fur, had to find new sources of livelihood. So the Time of Troubles came, a religious split occurred, the peasants were enslaved. Then came the turn of the formation of an empire that was no longer resource-dependent. I draw an analogy between two resource-dependent periods - fur and oil and gas. This analogy allows us to better understand the nature of Moscow's state-building, as well as the nature of the crisis that will come "when the oil runs out." The central chapters of my book deal with the institutions of the empire, which I interpret in a colonial way: serfdom, estates, German and other foreign colonies, the peasant community, and, finally, religious sectarianism. One of the chapters tells about Kant and his circle during the years of Russian occupation and annexation of Koenigsberg during the Seven Years' War. In contrast to the interpretations that dominate post-colonial theory, I see the young Kant as a colonial subject, even as an oppressed subaltern who was traumatized by his experience of life in the colony and then reworked this very modern experience in his philosophy, down to ethics and to the project of eternal peace. . A rather large and also new chapter for the Russian reader describes the theories and practices that officials of the Ministry of Internal Affairs indulged in in the middle of the 19th century. In some ways, these figures - writers, philosophers and ethnographers who became imperial administrators - strongly resemble post-Soviet political technologists.
Colonization is usually accompanied by an increase in differences in cultural patterns in the behavior of people in the conquered territory: the natives cease to be a homogeneous mass, among them stand out wild and educated, friendly and hostile, individualistic and collectivist, etc. It is important that this is not only a view from the metropolis, but also the social marking of life itself in the colony. How stable was it with the expansion of Russian possessions?
I describe this process as stretching the cultural distance. For example, in Russia during the imperial period, there was a long, consistent process of constructing the “people” (the estate of peasants), which seemed to be more and more different from the public who wrote and read about it. The public lived in families, valued private property, had estates and bank accounts, mastered complex ways of multiplying fortunes, fixing them in personal possession, and transferring them by inheritance. And to the people, the public attributed life in communities, voluntary and regular redistribution of land, self-denial and altruism, outlandish ways of religious faith and sexual life.
How can the concept of "internal colonization" and related concepts - "occupation", "mobilization" be correlated? If the Soviet project is a variant of the mobilization project, then at what points did it continue internal colonization?
Occupation is a temporary process and always a state of emergency; internal colonization takes place in territory that was once occupied, but has long been considered one's own. Mobilization with internal colonization is not very connected; it is clear that mobilization was carried out (even in the broadest sense) in all sorts of social arrangements, they all needed special regimes on the eve of or during military efforts. In Soviet times, the Gulag and collective farms were institutions of internal colonization. The Cultural Revolution of the 1920s can probably be seen in this light, too. But many interesting processes, including terror itself, must be interpreted differently. People were not arrested to fill the camps, which had some rational function, such as colonization; on the contrary, the camps were created in order to have somewhere to send the arrested. I myself do not consider the Soviet period in my book, but interesting literature has appeared or is emerging on this topic. In the book, which will be published in October, - “There, inside. Practices of internal colonization in the cultural history of Russia” - there is a block of articles that are devoted specifically to the Soviet period. This is a large collection, about a thousand pages, and many colleagues from different countries - historians, philologists, researchers of modern culture - took part in it.
In any colonial policy there is a gap between the state of the center (imperial greatness) and the state of the periphery (exploitation of resources). Why is it not so harsh in cases of internal colonization, when the periphery is offered to acquire imperial properties, becoming a full-fledged agent of mobilization?
Hannah Arendt has a useful notion of the colonial boomerang, which means the return of the theories and practices of colonial government for application in the internal politics of the metropolis. Such a return was usually associated with growing violence, which in the mother country was perceived as illegitimate and unexpected, although it had long been practiced in the colonies. Arendt wrote about this in connection with the fears of the British lords of the late 19th century that the methods they adopted to pacify India would be applied in England, and this seemed unacceptable to them. In the Russian situation, such a return flight of the boomerang crossed not only the geographical space of the empire, from the periphery to the center, but also its class space, from peasants to townspeople and intelligentsia. Saltykov-Shchedrin wrote an excellent prose about this - "Gentlemen of Tashkent." It is known how imperial officials pacified Tashkent or Poland, but for Shchedrin (who was also an official), the horror began when the same people were appointed governors of Moscow or St. Petersburg. I think this is how one can understand some of the mysterious manifestations of the Stalinist terror, which also returned from the Ukraine or the Caucasus to the center and turned from disciplining the inner colony (peasants) to pacifying the cultural elite.
- Is it possible to say that during internal colonization there is a diffusion of law, and not only jus Empire extends to nations, but jus gentium included in the customs of the center? How were the customs of the periphery perceived by the administrative apparatus of Russia/USSR (what, from a Western point of view, looked like the “Asiaticism” of the nomenklatura)? Or, on the contrary, how did the agents of Europeanization become on the periphery a kind of "legalized marginalized"?
In post-colonial theory, it is customary to distinguish between hegemony and domination - these are Gramsci's terms. As long as these two processes go hand in hand, all is well; but where power domination is exercised without cultural hegemony, imperial dominance is threatened. In the Russian Empire, dominance over internal and external colonies was sometimes exercised by military force, but cultural hegemony remained an unresolved issue for the empire. I consider different ways to assert hegemony, such as fireworks. The construction of St. Petersburg was a long-term investment in greatness: a very large one, but not at all successful in terms of political consequences. Oddly enough, Russian literature was the most effective instrument of hegemony. She conquered more Russians and non-Russians than any imperial enterprise. But, of course, the emperors and their censors did not understand this at all.
Interviewed by Irina Chechel and Alexander Markov.
COLONIZATION
(from lat. colonia - settlement) - 1) The foundation of settlements in c.-l. country; 2) the settlement and development of vacant and marginal lands (the so-called inner lands).
K. as the foundation of settlements in k.-l. the country was widespread already in the ancient world; it is characteristic of both ancient (Assyria, Phoenicia), and ancient (Greek policies, Rome) state-in. About K. in antiquity, see Antique colonies, as well as Antique cities in the Northern Black Sea region.
Large movements of tribes of the early Middle Ages (Great Migration of Peoples, etc.) ending with the settlement of tribes on new territories "led to complex relationships between the local population and newcomers, to significant socio-economic and ethnic changes and played a large role" in the genesis feud. relations (see Feudalism). An example is the K. Balkan Peninsula by the Slavs in the 6th-7th centuries.
Military-colonization enterprises were crusades 11-13 centuries. on Bl. East.
In him. bourgeois historiography (works by Kechke, Hampe, and many others) is extolled in every possible way by the so-called. German colonization in the East. Europe, which began with the time of Charlemagne, culminating. point in the 13th century. To continued in the 17-18 centuries. and later; it is claimed that she played a decisive role in the rise of c. economy, industry, trade, culture app. Slavs, Hungary. In the Marxist ist. science does not dispute the fact that it. the colonists are artisans, the peasants brought with them a well-known household. experience and advanced technology. But at the same time, Nar. K. and invader. the goals pursued under K. him. feudal lords - the organizers of K. The latter determined the negative. the role of the German K. as a form of conquering glory. and other populations and the capture of fame. lands. It was by no means "peaceful" in nature (as reactionary bourgeois historiography often presents), but was accompanied in a number of districts by bitter. wars and physical destruction of glory. and other populations (for details, see the article "Drang nah Osten").
Along with the foundation of settlements (both urban and rural) in the conquered countries and lands (factories of Venice and Genoa, German colonies) in cf. century, the so-called. internal K., that is, the gradual (lasting for centuries) settlement and economic development of free, empty lands of their own. country, accompanied by the resettlement of part of the population from their former habitats to new places. In some countries, internal Conservation also took place in the process of recapturing the country from the invaders (for example, in the course of Spain). In the countries of the West Europe int. K. makes especially noticeable progress in the 12-14 centuries. There is a clearing of fallow lands, uprooting of forest districts; in their place appear arable land and numerous. villages. Internal K. was evidence of progress in production. forces of the feud. society: there was an expansion of acreage, an increase in the production of agricultural products. products. In an effort to increase land. rent and the expansion of their sphere of power, the feudal lords and the church sometimes acted as the initiators of k., attracting various benefits to the new settlements of peasants (see Hospitals), artisans, artisans. But a decisive role in the process of internal. The k. was played by the peasantry, whose forces were responsible for the development of new lands and which was most often the initiator of the k. For the peasantry, k. represented not only a means of expanding the size of the farm, but also a way to facilitate the feuds. dependence, since the newly developed lands were used by the peasants either on preferential terms, or in general as free land. property (at least initially). K. acquired very wide dimensions in Russia (see below).
During the period of the new time, pl. countries of Asia, Africa, Lat. America through the military. and economic coercion was turned into colonies in the sense that is given to this word at the present time, and became the object of capitalist exploitation (see Colonies and colonial policy). During the new time, K. does not stop by organizing resettlement. colonies by emigrants of the metropolitan countries, while the approval of the colonists on the new territory. often leads to its colonial subjugation. A typical example of the organization of resettlement. colonies can serve as an Amer. continent (as well as English K. Australia and New Zealand, Dutch and English K. South Africa). The conversion process was often accompanied by the extermination or displacement of the indigenous population to inconvenient lands and the organization of reservations (in North America, as well as in Australia and South Africa). At the same time, there was a process of partial mixing of the alien and indigenous population. In the United States, the descendants of immigrants from different countries of Europe make up the majority of the population of this country. During 1820-1960, approx. 42 million people, of which approx. 34 million before 1921. The presence of vast tracts of uncultivated land in the west created the opportunity for those who arrived in the north. Colonists to acquire America from Europe on W. lands. plots, creating there independent. farmer's farms. The rapid settlement and development of lands in the west was facilitated by the transformation into the north after the war for independence. America 1775-83 territories to the West. from Allegan to "common lands". The mass squatter movement played an important role in Canada. Published during the civil war homestead act (1862) was the most important law in the history of K. zap. US lands. Settlement app. The development of land quickly moved forward, and soon the initial stage of land cultivation in the United States was completed (however, the allotment of land for agricultural cultivation continued into the 20th century).
The problem of K. is given meaning. place in Amer. bourgeois historiography, especially starting with F. J. Turner, who tried to explain the patterns of Amer. stories, starting from having means. fund "free lands" and the process of their K., and proclaimed the expansion of a necessary condition for the development of the United States. Following Turner, F. L. Paxon, D. Schaefer, D. Clarke, and other historians considered the problem of k. With a known value, the actual material of the works of Amer. historians dedicated to K., they are characterized by the image of the "idyllic" picture of K. - ignoring the fact that app. the lands (to-rye they are called "free") actually belonged to the Indians; ignoring the role of revolutions in the process of K. zap. lands, as well as the differentiation of Amer. farmers-colonists - that is, the capitalist process. bundles in farms. In the owls K.'s historiography is considered in connection with the broader problem of the development of capitalism in US agriculture; ways of development of capitalism in the village. x-ve; it is emphasized that K. app. land was accompanied by exterminate. the wars of the colonists against the Indian tribes, that in the new districts development proceeded according to the capitalist. way, accompanied by capitalist. stratification among farmers. Owls. historians pose the problem of the influence of capitalism on the characteristics of the capitalist. development not only in the west, but also in the east. districts of the country. Attention is drawn to the fact that K. was at the same time an "outlet", softening (for a while) acute social contradictions in the districts of the "old" settlement.
Lit .: Marx K., Forced emigration ..., K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch., 2nd ed., Vol. 8; his own, "Capital", vol. 1, ch. 25 ("Modern theory of K."), ibid., vol. 23; Engels F., Labor Movement in America, ibid., vol. 21; Lenin, V.I., The agrarian question and the forces of the revolution, Soch., 4th ed., vol. 12; his own, Marx on the American "black redistribution", ibid., vol. 8; Fences M. A., Crusades, M., 1956; Konokotin A.V., Essays on agr. history of Sev. France in the IX-XIV centuries, Ivanovo, 1958; Efimov A. V., Essays on the history of the USA, M., 1955; his own, "Free Lands" of America and East. concept of F. D. Turner, in collection: From the history of societies. movements and international relations, M., 1957; Saprykin Yu. M., English. colonization of Ireland in the XVI - early. XVII centuries., M., 1958; Kuropyatnik G.P., On the path of development of capitalism in agriculture in the USA in the pre-monopoly. era, "NNI", 1958, No 4; Essays on the new and recent history of the USA, vol. 1, M., 1960; Samoilo A.S., English. colonies in the North. America in the 17th century, M., 1963.
L. F. Toskin. Moscow.
Colonization in Russia. In the 9th-12th centuries. glory. population Dr. Russia gradually colonized the territory. in pools pp. Oka, upper Volga, Vyatka, terr. Podvinya, Prionezhie, Pomorie, etc. K. sowing. parts of the East. Europe intensified in the 13-15 centuries. as a result of the conquests of the Mongol-Tatars and the establishment of their domination. At the same time, the vast steppe and forest-steppe districts to the south of the Oka became deserted, becoming places for the nomadic nomads of the conquerors. These districts were named. Wild field.
At 16 - 1st floor. 19th centuries colonization movements the population were sent preim. to the south and east they were called out by the growing feudal serf. oppression. In the 16-17 centuries. the peasants and townspeople who fled to the outskirts were forced to wage a continuous struggle, mainly against the predatory raids of the Tat. and other steppe feudal lords. Under these conditions, K. also took on the character of the formation of a military. communities of Cossacks (see Cossacks). Relying on the population settled to the south of the Oka, the government of Russia secured the territory. Wild field. K. these districts led to the formation of many here. cities, the plowing of land and the development of agriculture; from the 2nd floor. 17th century they become suppliers of grain and livestock for the center of the country. Feudal lords also penetrate here, to-rye began to receive developed and inhabited lands from the pr-va in estates and estates. After the conquest of the Kazan and Astrakhan khanates (50s of the 16th century), there was an intense K. Wed. and Nizh. Volga and Ural regions.
From con. 16th century began K. Siberia and D. East. The Russians founded cities in Siberia and brought farmers here. culture - their tools, cultures and methods of using the land (fallow and two-field, three-field). Following them, representatives of various peoples of Siberia (Yakuts, etc.) began to engage in agriculture. Characteristic features of internal K. in 18 - 1st floor. 19th centuries were landowner K. south. districts, carried out by transferring serfs from the Center, and governments. K. Siberia by exile here for political. and antiserfdom. speeches, as well as criminal offenders. Resettlement movement from the center. provinces and households. the development of the vast districts of Siberia, the Far East, the North. The Caucasus especially intensified in the 19th century, and continued into the beginning. 20 century, acquiring more and more capitalist. character. There was extensive plowing of the land by the colonists (for example, in the North Caucasus), who produced wheat, tobacco, and other crops for sale. K. during this period led to the creation in the developed districts of the market for the capitalist. prom-sti and drawing them into the world capitalist. x-in.
In con. 19 - beg. 20th century The initial stage of the K. outskirts of Russia was completed.
Lit .: Lenin V. I., The development of capitalism in Russia, Soch., 4th ed., Vol. 3; his own, Serf-owners at work, ibid., vol. 5; his, Agrarian Program of Social Democracy in the First Russian Revolution of 1905-1907, ibid., vol. 13; his own, The Agrarian Question in Russia to the con. 19th century, ibid., vol. 15; his, Migration issue, ibid., v. 18; his, Meaning of the resettlement case, ibid., vol. 19; his, On the question of the agrarian policy of the (general) modern government, ibid.; Essays on the history of the colonization of the North, c. 1, P., 1922; Lyubavsky M.K., Education of the main state. terr. Great Russian nationalities. Settlement and unification of the center, L., 1929; Bernadsky V.N., Novgorod and Novgorod, land in the 15th century, M.-L., 1961; Tikhomirov M. H., Russia in the XVI century, M., 1962; Bakhrushin S.V., Izbr. works on the history of Siberia in the XVI-XVII centuries, in his book: Nauch. works, vol. 3, part 1, M., 1955; Shunkov V.I., Essays on the history of the colonization of Siberia in the XVII - early. XVIII centuries., M.-L., 1946; his, Essays on the history of agriculture in Siberia (XVII century), M., 1956; Fadeev A.V., Essays on economics. development of the steppe Ciscaucasia in the pre-reform period, M., 1957; Alexandrov V. A., Rus. population of Siberia in the XVII - early. XVIII century., M., 1964.
Soviet historical encyclopedia. - M.: Soviet Encyclopedia. Ed. E. M. Zhukova. 1973-1982 .
Synonyms:See what "COLONIZATION" is in other dictionaries:
- (fr. colonization, from lat. colonia colony, settlement). Mass immigration to an uncultured country of immigrants from any civilized state. Dictionary of foreign words included in the Russian language. Chudinov A.N., 1910. COLONIZATION ... ... Dictionary of foreign words of the Russian language
Settlement and economic development of the empty marginal lands of the country (internal colonization), as well as the establishment of settlements outside its borders (external colonization). Since the time of the Great geographical discoveries, European colonization of the ancients ... ... Big Encyclopedic Dictionary
The process of settling and economic development of empty or sparsely populated marginal lands of one’s country (“internal colonization”), as well as the establishment of settlements (mainly associated with agricultural activities) outside its borders (“external ... ... Political science. Dictionary.
colonization- and, well. colonization f. First recorded by I. Goncharov (frigate Pallada), 1858 EC. 1. Settling marginal and vacant lands. ALS 1. An example of the famous field of refuge (champ d asile), which unworthy speculators opened after the fall ... ... Historical Dictionary of Gallicisms of the Russian Language
colonization- 1. The process of settlement and economic development of the empty marginal lands of one's country (internal colonization) and the establishment of settlements outside one's country (external colonization). 2. The development of a new habitat by the body, i.e. extension… … Geography Dictionary
COLONIZATION, colonization, wives. Action under ch. colonize or colonize. The process of colonization. Territory colonization. Explanatory Dictionary of Ushakov. D.N. Ushakov. 1935 1940 ... Explanatory Dictionary of Ushakov
Conquest, development, enslavement, settlement Dictionary of Russian synonyms. colonization n., number of synonyms: 4 conquest (15) ... Synonym dictionary
COLONIZE, zuyu, zuesh; ovanny and COLONIZE, roar, roar; ovated; owls. and nesov., that. Explanatory dictionary of Ozhegov. S.I. Ozhegov, N.Yu. Shvedova. 1949 1992 ... Explanatory dictionary of Ozhegov
The article is published according to a journal source (Geophysical Processes and Biosphere, 2005, v.4, pp157-164), which is relatively inaccessible.
But some author's corrections have been made to the text, since the text published in the journal contains several editing errors.
The processes of internal colonization in Europe and Russia 701-1850. and solar cycles.
© 2005, 2007 S. A. Petukhov
sergey . [email protected] gmail. com
Internal colonization is an important process in the development of states and civilizations. For its quantitative characterization and study of links with climatic and geophysical phenomena, it is proposed to use a special chronological index of colonization characterizing the number of cities founded (or first mentioned) during a certain period of time. The chronological indices of colonization of 7 European countries and regions obtained in this way (Germany, the Netherlands, the Czech Republic/Slovakia, Scandinavia, the Eastern Baltic States, Belarus/Ukraine and Russia), covering the period from 701 to 1850, show significant synchronism, and also demonstrate a highly reliable relationship with solar activity. The connection between the phenomena of colonization, urbanization and cultural shifts with 80-90 year cycles of solar activity is discussed.
Consideration of historical processes is often based on an analysis of the reasons for the development of certain areas immanent to them (such, for example, the history of technology or religion, where major events cause numerous consequences through the mechanisms of cause-and-effect relationships) and the complication of their systems. However, external "clocks" - cyclically changing climatic factors and sudden weather anomalies can significantly affect society and influence the course of history (for example, nomad raids caused by droughts [ Goncharov, 1994], or a severe cooling of the 16th century, which influenced social processes in European countries [“ Holocen”, 1999]. There are also studies showing that a similar assumption can be put forward regarding the possible contribution to the dynamics of historical processes of cosmophysical and related geomagnetic factors [ Ertel, 1994]. The proof of the existence of such an impact is an interdisciplinary task, since it is carried out on historical material, but by methods specific to the natural sciences. In cases of social phenomena presumably related to natural cycles, it is possible to directly compare natural and social indices specially developed for this purpose. This paper investigates the relationship between colonization phenomena and climatic and solar cycles.
Materials and methods.
The databases used in the work included data on the cities of Central and Eastern Europe, as well as the Asian part of Russia (for the period 701-1850, a total of 2105 cities), the years of the founding of cities, the years they received city status, as well as data on their current population. time (2000-2002). All Belarusian, Dutch, Baltic, Russian, Ukrainian cities were considered; Polish and German cities with a population of more than 20 thousand people; Czech-Slovak cities with a population of more than 5 thousand people. and a selection of the most historically significant Scandinavian cities. The cities of the Kaliningrad region were considered together with the cities of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia, since their emergence was part of a single historical process of the colonization of the Baltic states.
Encyclopedias and dictionaries were used to collect data [ Great Soviet Encyclopedia, 1981; The new encyclopedia Britannica, 1992, Brockhaus Enzyklopä die, 1981; Mala encyclopedia PWN, 2000; VSeobecna encyclopedia, 1996, Kuca, 1995-2001], site of historical demography and population statistics www . library. uu. nl/uesp/populstat/populframe. html, virtual "People's Encyclopedia of Cities and Regions" My City "" (www. mojgorod. en), as well as site materialswww. citypopulation. de And www. vgd. en.
Based on these data, a time series of regional 25-year colonization indices was constructed, equal to the number of settlements with an urban future founded or first mentioned during the 25-year time interval for the territory under consideration. For Russia, a more detailed one was also built, with a 10-year index.
The following were used as natural indices:
1. Indices of solar activity, presented in the National Geophysical Data Center ( http://www.ngdc.noaa.gov).
2. Reconstruction of solar activity from the content of the beryllium isotope Be 10 [Bard, 2000]. (IGBP PAGES / World Data Center for Paleoclimatology Data. Contribution Series #2003-006. NOAA/NGDC Paleoclimatology Program, Boulder CO, USA). From and In a similar series, median mean values of solar activity were calculated for 25-year periods.
3 ). Reconstruction of air temperature fluctuations in the Northern Hemisphere in XI - XX centuries [Jones et al, 1998] - P . D. Jones, K. R. Briffa, T. P. Barnett, and S. F. B Tett, (1998), Millennial Temperature Reconstructions. IGBP PAGES/World Data Center-A for Paleoclimatology. Data Contribution Series #1998-039.For a series of air temperature fluctuations in the Northern Hemisphere, average temperature deviations for 25-year periods were calculated.
Programs were used to create databases and their processing. dBase V, NCSS 97, Excel from MS Office 2000, as well as a time series analysis software package developed at the Institute of Physics of the Earth RAS and kindly provided by A. G. Gamburtsev.
Results.
1. Colonization and urbanization of Europe according to indices.
The graph of colonization processes (Fig. 1A) demonstrates their synchronism for most regions, including the most remote ones - Eastern and Western Europe. But at the same time, internal colonization in Western and Central Europe was limited to accessible territories, which were exhausted in the XIV century. For Eastern Europe, it lasted longer, and for the Asian part of Russia, it continues in our time. For Scandinavia, a significant difference is found - the formation of a few cities in the early period (some of them ceased to exist) and the overwhelming number of other cities in the 17th century.
Fig.1 Synchronicity of colonization processes in Europe 701-1850 (7 regions). The abscissa shows 25-year periods, the ordinate shows the number of settlements with an urban future founded in a given period.
Control of colonization indexes.
Cities whose founding dates were used to construct colonization indices vary widely in their contemporary significance. However, settlements founded in regions that are fundamentally important for further development usually have great opportunities for development, and, as a result, are characterized by a larger population in the future. Thus, comparing the time course of the colonization index (the number of cities founded in a certain period of time) with the population of these cities, for example, at the present time (2000-2002), can serve as an additional quantitative control that the proposed index reflects the real historical dynamics of development of fundamentally important regions.
Another method of controlling the adequacy of the colonization index to the task at hand can be historical control, i.e., comparing the moments of the increase in this index with the periods of intensive development of the given region, as reflected in historical sources.
Graphs that simultaneously reflect the processes of the founding of cities and the size of their modern population (for Russia and Germany) are presented in Fig. 2 (A and B). There is no complete match between the two profiles in either case. However, it is obvious that the peaks of urban growth quite accurately reflect the historical development of promising territories.
For Germany, the main periods of colonization were 726-825, 1026-1050, 1151-1175, 1226-1250. For Russia, these fundamental moments fall on:
· 1126-1150, the colonization of the basins of the upper Volga and Oka in the XII century (a characteristic figure is Andrei Bogolyubsky);
· 1226-1250, the invasion of the Tatar-Mongols - the emergence. refugee towns with no growth potential;
· 1351-1375, the revival of the Russian principalities by the end of the yoke - in the XIV century (a characteristic figure of Dmitry Donskoy),
· 1475-1450, the emergence of independent Russia (Ivan III);
· 1551-1600, the development of the Volga region in the second half of the 16th century (Ivan IV the Terrible and Boris Godunov);
· 1626-1675, advance to the Urals and Siberia;
· 1701-1725 years, the development of the south of Russia and access to the Baltic at the end of the 17th - beginning of the 17th century (Peter I);
· 1751-1775, conquests in the south during the time of Catherine II ..
Quantitative and historical controls were used for indices of Czech, Belarusian/Ukrainian and Baltic cities and confirmed the phenomenon of principal periods of internal colonization.
Rice. 2 The foundation of new settlements with an urban future in the territories belonging to modern Russia and Germany and their population at the beginning XXI century. A. Territory of Russia 826-2000 B. Territory of Germany 676-1600
Alexander Etkind, a professor at the University of Cambridge, has been conducting historical and cultural studies of the processes of internal colonization for the past few years. Today, entire international scientific conferences and research collections are devoted to this phenomenon, and recently Alexander Etkind gave a series of lectures on internal colonization at several Russian universities. In short, internal colonization is the process of development by the state of its own territory and its own people. The RR correspondent met with Alexander Etkind in one of the Moscow cafes and asked about the details of how and why the state is mastering itself and what this leads to.
Professor of Cambridge University Alexander Etkind
Photo from the archive of the European University in St. Petersburg
– One of the first points of your lecture at the Higher School of Economics: when the state runs out of resources, the state takes care of its people. It turns out that internal colonization is a kind of anti-crisis measure, which has primarily a material nature and consequences?
- Not certainly in that way. Internal colonization is always preceded by external - the expansion of borders. There remains some space inside: empty or full, known or unknown. The more a country expands outward, the more black holes remain inside. Colonization is the filling of black holes and civilization, enlightenment, exploitation of their inhabitants. In Russia, the expansion of borders, especially to the East, was in search of raw materials. In the Middle Ages, fur was sought to be exported. Then the fur disappeared, and the space remained. Internal colonization began.
– Pessimists and futurologists scare people with the fact that there is only a couple of decades of oil left in the world. Let's imagine that oil suddenly ran out - Russia's main resource disappeared. Will a new internal colonization begin?
- Well, something will happen ... Naturally, the state will need new sources of income. Some of the people who run the state indulge in fantasies that when the oil runs out, it will be possible to export something else, such as water. But if there is nothing to export, you will have to deal with people.
In my book, I examine in detail the historical analogy: the export of fur, on which Muscovy was raised, and what happened when the fur ran out. Then the troubled times began. Then, on a more civilized basis, the Russian Empire arose. Something like this will happen when oil runs out or ceases to be in demand.
– Is the process of establishing a state and developing territories by a power group synonymous with internal colonization?
- Not. The process of colonization is determined by cultural distance. When cultural differences between power and people reach a critical mass, one can speak of colonization. When the Americans conquer the Indians or the Russian troops of the mountaineers of the Caucasus, this is colonization based on cultural differences. And why did the troops go to the Caucasus? They believed that there were some valuable resources there, but no resources were found there. They hoped that sericulture would develop there - it never developed. They found oil, but there it almost ran out.
- One of the results of internal colonization you called the alienation of the people from power. Why is this happening and do you see something similar in modern Russia?
– Alienation occurs because colonization combines social power with cultural distance, whereas in other situations, such as democratic or totalitarian societies, power is exercised without building cultural distinctions between sovereign and subjects.
- During the lecture, you said that Peter I, shaving off the beards of the boyars, created a hierarchy of power on a basis similar to racial, when the holders of power apparently differed from the people. In this case, on what principle is the modern hierarchy of power based?
- Many societies in the colonies were built on the principle of the dominance of the superior race, which governs for its own benefit, and the inferior race works - cultivates the reeds and so on. There are visible differences between them - for example, skin color. But centuries passed, a democracy arose in which everyone has rights, but some became rich, others became poor. And, unfortunately, the level of income very often correlates with racial differences, as well as the level of education, life expectancy, and so on ... But nevertheless, in a democratic society, everyone participates in elections: there is economic superiority, but there is also political equality, so with the poor people have to be considered. In many situations, they vote much more cohesively than the whites and the rich. This is the mechanism of balance, counterbalance. And in Russia, we still see a monstrous socio-economic stratification - much stronger than in countries with intense social inequalities, in England or the USA. It's all very ugly here and there. But the counter-modern economy, based on the exploitation of raw materials, leads to the formation of a class society. Russian sociologists are also talking about this now. The only difference between the estate society of the Russian Empire is that there these estates were spelled out in the law, which was taught at school. And in modern Russia, a class society is unconstitutional and illegal. There are many signs of a class society, for example, different punishments for people of different classes for the same crimes, or different access to education and civil service, or the transfer of status by inheritance. Social inequalities are inherited everywhere, but, say, in England, when a person dies, half of his property goes into taxes. This is a leveling mechanism: the state redistributes this money, and the heir receives only half, and if he does not multiply what he has received through his work or luck, the family will certainly become poorer. Not so in Russia. There are strong and rich people, and they want their children to be strong and rich too. No one opposes this, although the source of their power and wealth is usually not productive labor, but the vagaries of the resource economy.
– In what way do you see a reflection of Russia's intra-colonial past today?
– I do not believe in historical inertia, I believe in the memory of a place. In the Kremlin, for example, there is such a memory that affects the rulers. Peter I fled from Moscow to change the country, then the Bolsheviks fled from St. Petersburg for the same purpose. In Russia, starting from the Middle Ages, a habit arose that the bearers of power were perceived as people of a different nature, living a different life than the rest. Certain institutions that held out for a very long time, like the Romanov Empire or the Communist Party of the USSR, drove the country into a dead end, power changed catastrophically. Political democracy, which equalizes the voters and the elected, has not appeared. Some authoritarian institutions were replaced by others for a long time.
– In modern political discourse, there are often calls for decolonization: “Stop feeding the Caucasus”, etc. What do you think is the reason for this trend?
- The current imperial regime of power is not only tired of those whom it suppresses in the colonies. People in the Caucasus say "get out of here", as they used to say in India. But even people in Moscow say “stop feeding the Caucasus”. This was also very common in the UK when it came to India, which had long ceased to pay for itself, and the resources that the metropolis itself needed were spent on it. These two different processes may or may not be coordinated in some way. One is more like decolonization, the other is more like an anti-imperial protest of the mother country against its own empire.
- The internal colonization of Russia is primarily interested in foreign researchers - domestic participants in your collection on internal colonization in the minority. Don't you think this is paradoxical?
- Our collection “There, Inside” has a thousand pages, and articles are written by scientists from different countries - from America to Japan, including authors from Russia and Ukraine. One editor is a Muscovite, the other is a German from Bavaria, I work in England. Unfortunately, Slavic and Russian studies are now more developed abroad - in America, England, Germany. I know that there is a huge competition for the departments of Slavic studies at St. Petersburg State University or Moscow State University: it means that people want to study there. But the state cuts budget places.