On the topic: "Civil wars in Spain in the 19th century." History of Spain (briefly)

Like many other European states, the Kingdom of Spain became the object of military-political aggression of the French Empire. The political farce played out by Napoleon, when he took on the role of arbiter in the dispute between Charles IV and his son Ferdinand VII, ended with the transfer of the throne to the brother of the French emperor Joseph. The Spaniards were “blessed” by a constitution developed under the dictation of foreigners - the Statute of Bayonne, in which the constitutional ideas of the times of the consulate and the empire of Napoleon were transferred to Spanish soil not mechanically, but taking into account the national specifics of the occupied country.
However, on May 2, 1808, anti-French unrest occurred on the outskirts of Madrid, which marked the beginning of the national liberation struggle. Organized by the Spanish nobility and officials, the anti-French central junta was located in the extreme south of the country, in Cadiz. In August 1810, the patriots convened a parliament with a representation norm of one deputy per 50 thousand people. A year later, a law was issued that abolished the rights of landowners that were burdensome for the peasantry.
The Spanish people showed miracles of heroism in countering the aggression of Napoleonic France. However, “the national resistance movement against Napoleon was the last manifestation of national unanimity...”. In 1812, the Spanish Constitution was adopted. In accordance with it, a unicameral parliament was established, whose deputies were elected by universal vote for two years without the right to re-election. The property qualification for parliamentary candidates was mentioned. The Spanish colonies also received representation.
Executive power was vested in the king and the ministers he appointed. The creation of the Council of State was envisaged as an advisory body under the king, controlled by parliament, which was determined by “the desire of the legislator to prevent the emergence of a camarilla under the monarch, such a traditional phenomenon for the Spanish throne.”
The Constitution formulated the principle of popular sovereignty, proclaimed a hereditary limited monarchy and Catholicism as state religion. There is no doubt that this document is similar to the French Constitution of 1791. But there were also differences: “the creators of the Spanish Constitution did not include a special chapter on human rights. The Constitution guaranteed equality before the law and freedom of property, but mention of these was "scattered throughout the text." With some stretch, the rights and guarantees provided for in Articles 287, 290, 291, 300 can be classified as Habeas Corpus.”
After the restoration of the monarchy in 1814, reaction triumphed in the country. The property rights of the Catholic Church were completely restored, the Constitution and all acts of the Cadiz Cortes were repealed, and reprisals were committed against its supporters. In the country devastated by the Napoleonic wars and the rule of the royal camarilla, conspiracies from the military - the heroes of the liberation war - followed one after another, but their social base was too narrow. In the end, victory was won by the spontaneous action of the expeditionary force in Cadiz on February 1, 1820, which did not want to go to war with the colonies in Latin America. The rebels demanded the restoration of the Constitution of 1812, which was supported by a number of cities. On March 7, Madrid rebelled and a day later the king conceded, announcing the convening of the Cortes.
During the “constitutional triennium” (1820–1823), important measures were taken: military-spiritual orders and small monasteries were closed, church tithes were halved (the “saved” funds were used to pay off the national debt). Half of the proceeds from the sale of wastelands and part of the royal estates were also used to save the state budget; the other part of the land was transferred to soldiers and landless peasants. The reformers abolished the primordial regime and the seigneurial regime. However, the overwhelming majority of the rural population adhered to traditionalist views and did not support innovation. Later, one of the leaders of those years in immigration admitted: “One should not indulge in illusions, one must see that the Spanish nation today is the same, more or less, as in 1808, when it asserted its independence, that calls for freedom and equality are magical for others in Spain they listen with ridicule and contempt, and also with cries of godlessness.” Moreover, in the revolutionary camp, contradictions emerged between the “moderados” (“moderate”) and the young deputies associated with underground groups of Carbonari and Masonic lodges, the “exaltados” (“enthusiastic”). In 1823, France, on behalf of European monarchs, intervened in the country, and the liberal camp was not supported by the masses.
The reason for the next revolutionary event (1834) was a dynastic dispute between the widow of the deceased king and his brother, in which almost all socio-political forces were involved. Their arrangement had a complex configuration.
It cannot be categorically stated that in the camp of the widow, regent Christina, there were only liberals, and among the supporters of the rebellious royal brother Don Carlos only conservatives could be found. Thus, the regent herself, relying on the court camarilla, represented a very odious personality, an unconditional supporter of absolutism, who only temporarily decided to rely on the liberal bourgeoisie and urban democracy. At the same time, in the camp of the Carlists, who found support primarily among the backward and more materially prosperous peasantry of the north of Spain, there were progressive autonomists of Basqueness and Catalonia (to a lesser extent Valencia), who jealously guarded their ancient liberties from the centralizing policies of Madrid. Overall the situation was confusing. “Many landowners, for reasons of reinsurance, played a double game: while maintaining official loyalty to Christina, they at the same time donated significant sums to support Don Carlos.” At the same time, “in the so-called “Carlist” areas, a very characteristic division of the population took place: the countryside and small towns supported Don Carlos, and the large cities stood for Christina.”
The First Carlist War ended in 1840 and was accompanied by the establishment of a constitutional monarchy, which was enshrined in the royal statute of 1834 and in the Constitution of 1837. Economic policy was aimed at abolishing the most noticeable remnants of feudalism. Workshops were liquidated and the sale of lands, including primordial ones, was allowed. Laws were passed on free trade in agricultural products (1834) and the elimination of tithe collection in favor of the church (1837). Demortization laws of 1836, 1837, 1841 monastic, private and communal empty lands were put on sale. From 1837 to 1860, 4 million hectares of land were sold.
However, the effectiveness of the changes should not be exaggerated. In Spain there was a noticeable delay in the industrial revolution compared to Germany, not to mention England and France. Here it was of a narrowly enclave nature, covering the two most economically developed regions - Catalonia and Baskonia, with predominantly textile production. The construction of railways lagged extremely behind - in the middle of the 19th century. there were only 500 km of them. One cannot but agree that in the first half of the 19th century. In Spain, the sphere of politics had revolutionary dynamics, and the economy developed at a clearly slow pace.
However, political development also had far from the most optimal trajectory: it can hardly be called progressive and wave-like, as in France. Rather, in the first half of the 19th century. it was dominated by a stagnation-wave-like beginning: that is, the change of revolutionary tides and longer counter-revolutionary ebbs led not to the unconditional ascent of society, but to its stagnation and even regression.
In 1840, Christina renounced her regency rights and left the country, and in 1843, the heiress of the deceased King Ferdinand VII, Isabella II, was recognized as an adult. Her reign was marked by the dominance of dictator generals B. Espartero, R. Narvaez, (UDonnel. In 1840-1843, the country was ruled by Espartero. Under him, relying on the progressives, from whose ranks both democratic and liberal party, the electorate amounted to 423 thousand voters, i.e. every 31st resident had the right to vote as a result of the military coup of Narvaez, the electoral corps was reduced to 84 thousand, i.e. one Spaniard out of 163 became a voter. The Constitution of 1845 was adopted - the most conservative in the history of the country in the 19th century. The powers of the crown were strengthened, including with the help of a bicameral parliament (Cortes), in which the upper house - the Senate - consisted of the nobility and the highest church hierarchs. in power were the “moderados” (moderates) who supported Narvaez: from their ranks, in a historical perspective, the conservative party was born.
“Spain did not participate in the European revolutions of 1848-1849, students did not leave universities, workers’ organizations took their first timid steps,” nevertheless, it was in the middle of the 19th century that the modernization start took place. “During the second third of the 19th century, it was finally class society collapsed. The abolition of the primogeniture led not only to the economic decline of the nobility, but also to the deprivation of the aristocracy of administrative power in the localities... The old aristocracy, although it retained some positions in economics and politics, was significantly displaced by the new nobility.”
And yet, three bourgeois revolutions (1804-1814, 1820-1823, 1834-1843) did not completely destroy the remnants of feudalism. The fourth bourgeois revolution of 1854-1856 cannot be called victorious either. General B. Espartero, a native of the peasantry, the most honest of the generals, came to power, for whom the public gave an enthusiastic reception in the capital. But the revolution did not have the anti-monarchical impulse desired in that situation: both leading parties - the “moderados” and the progressives - were supporters of the monarchy; only a small party of Democrats favored a republic. The retention of the throne by Isabella II doomed the revolution to defeat.
Nevertheless, despite all the odiousness of the queen’s figure, the main significance of her reign was the gradual strengthening of liberalism. But “Spanish liberalism meant only a constitutional government with a moderate bill of rights for the citizen... Political events in France and England and contacts with the German and English schools of political philosophy served as the spark of the movement, but many Spaniards were forced into the liberal camp because they hated Isabella and her entourage are favorites. They did not know or were indifferent to truly parliamentary government."
So, the accumulated hatred of the monarch contributed to the development of the fifth bourgeois revolution in Spain (1868-1874). The generals, under the slogan of fighting corruption, prepared a conspiracy against the regime and were supported by the population. All men over 25 years old could take part in parliamentary elections. The Constitution adopted in 1869 proclaimed a monarchy with the possibility of choosing a king by the Cortes, which was recognized as the son of the Italian monarch
Amadeus of Savoy. However, the rule of the foreigner did not last long - from January 1871 to February 1873 - and took place against the backdrop of the second Carlist war (1872-1876) that began in April 1872. At the same time, not only were strong traditionalist sentiments dominant in Spain, but there was also a deeper differentiation than before in the revolutionary world. In addition to the temporarily victorious (until the spring of 1873) bourgeois monarchists, there were supporters of a unitary and federal republic (the latter tried to establish autonomous regimes in Catalonia, Aragon, Valencia, and Andalusia with the help of weapons). The labor movement revived, the control of which was contested by anarchists (followers of M. Bakunin) and adherents of K. Marx.
The proclamation of the republic in February 1872, as subsequent events showed, was temporary. The authorities tried to introduce social legislation (in particular, on limiting child labor), but it remained on paper. The central government did not control the situation in the country and did not achieve international recognition in Europe. As a result, at the end of December 1874, the military conspirators proclaimed as king the son of Isabella II, who fled the country in 1868. The immaturity of social conditions for consistent transformations, when small peasants and artisans predominated in most of the country, led to the fact that neither the bourgeoisie nor the emerging labor movement was unable to realize its true interests. “Revolution 1868-1874. completed the cycle of Spanish bourgeois revolutions of the 19th century. After its defeat, the Spanish bourgeoisie began to cooperate with the nobility and the monarchy, and the proletariat began to withdraw more and more into anarchism.”
The ideologist and organizer of the new regime, A. Canovas del Castillo, tried to combine Spanish traditions and European progress. The Constitution of 1876 turned out to be the longest lasting in Spanish history. She asserted liberal principles and freedoms. King Alfonso XII and Canovas del Castillo, being admirers of the British political system, allowed the formation of a two-party tandem of the Liberal-Conservative and Liberal-Constitutional parties. At the same time, there were other forces in the country that were pushed out of power, in particular, the Republicans and the Catholic Union. At the same time, the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party, founded in 1879, was outside the official “Canovas system”; the Bakuninists went underground, among whom the influence of supporters of individual terror increased. In the 1890s. The authorities adopted anti-terrorism laws, but their effectiveness was low. In general, much of the history of the Spanish state is explained by the contradictions between liberal institutions imposed from above and backward socio-economic conditions: for example, “when universal suffrage was introduced, at least 85% of the population earned their living from the land.”

paragraph 1 questions and tasks to paragraph paragraph page 139

Question. According to the diagram (p. 65), remember how in the middle of the 19th century. The unification of Italy took place.

Lombardy passed to Sardinia in 1859. The rebellious inhabitants of Tuscany, Modena and Parma decided to unite with Sardinia. In 1860, during the revolution, the Kingdom of Naples was reunited with Sardinia. In 1861, the all-Italian parliament proclaimed the reunification of the country and the creation of the Kingdom of Italy. In 1866, during the Austro-Prussian War, Italy received Venice. The defeat of France in the Franco-German War ended the reunification of Italy.

paragraph 1 questions and tasks to paragraph paragraph page 141

Question 1. What was the uneven development of the north and south of Italy?

The uneven development of the north and south of Italy turned out to be a big unresolved problem. In the north there were the largest centers of trade with strong traditions of manufacturing production, large agricultural farms that used hired labor and agricultural technology were located. In the south there was a medieval society: industry was in its infancy, the lands belonged to the landowners.

Question 2. Describe the reforms carried out in Italy at the beginning of the 20th century.

From 1903-1914, liberal reforms were carried out: laws were adopted to alleviate the situation of workers, and the scope of suffrage was expanded.

paragraph 2 questions and tasks to paragraph paragraph page 142

Question. In what sense was Spain a country on the periphery of Europe? Formulate the socio-economic and political reasons that significantly slowed down the pace of development of Spain along the capitalist path.

Reasons that significantly slowed down the pace of development of Spain: vestiges of feudalism persisted; industry and railway construction developed very slowly; local production could not compete with foreign production. In 1868, a revolution began, and in 1873 Spain was proclaimed a republic. The role of the military has increased significantly. In 1874 the army took power into its own hands. Spain is again proclaimed a constitutional monarchy.

paragraph 3 questions and tasks to paragraph paragraph page 146

Question. Follow how in the last third of the 19th - early 20th centuries. The Balkans have become the “powder keg of Europe.”

The goal of the Balkan countries is complete liberation from Turkish domination. Lacking her own strength, she sought protection among the great powers. At first, the Balkans pinned their hopes on Russia. After the Russo-Turkish War, Serbia and Montenegro achieved independence. Bulgaria was freed from the yoke. After the loss of Russian influence in the Balkans, Serbia is moving closer to Austria-Hungary. In 1903, cooperation with Russia resumed. In 1912, the Balkan Union was created and the war against Turkey began. In 1913, the Second Balkan War broke out between Bulgaria and Serbia and Greece. Bulgaria was defeated.

Questions and assignments for paragraph page 146

Question 1. What is common and different in the history of the countries of Southern and South-Eastern Europe in the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries? Why were they more or less on the “periphery” of Europe at this time?

The states of Southern and South-Eastern Europe were on the “periphery” as the development of industry and railway construction proceeded very slowly, vestiges of feudalism remained, and in the south of Italy there was medieval society.

Question 2. Select your own sources and prepare a report on the history of countries Northern Europe in the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries. What role do you think the countries of this region played in European politics and economics on the eve of the transition to modern times?

By the end of the first third of the 19th century. Northern European countries have resumed stable economic growth. The recovery initially affected agriculture, especially its export industries. Agrarian reforms were completed, and a significant part of the cultivated land passed into the hands of the peasantry. A layer of wealthy peasants quickly formed, and on the other hand, the number of landless peasants grew, some of whom joined the ranks of the urban proletariat. In the second half of the 19th century. Quite widespread emigration from the countries of Northern Europe, mainly to North America, also began.

The industrial revolution in the Nordic countries began in the 30s of the 19th century, but did not lead to radical changes in the economic system. The bulk of the population remained employed in the agricultural sector. The process of urbanization unfolded slowly. Nevertheless, modern plants and factories gradually began to be built, new technology spread, and railway construction began. In Norway, the merchant fleet grew rapidly, and fishing and whaling developed. In Sweden, the creation of an advanced timber processing industry played a key role in the development of the industrial revolution. A feature of the industrial revolution in the Nordic countries was the continued large role of the state in stimulating economic growth. Large national capital developed here rather slowly. Only in the 60s did large banks begin to form here, capable of financing large investment projects.

In the last decades of the 19th century. The process of industrialization began in the Northern European countries. The narrowness of the domestic market was an obstacle to the development of large-scale industry, but enterprises that arose in new industries (production of high-quality steel, means of transport, electrical equipment, ball bearings, cellulose) successfully entered the international market. Despite the difficult terrain, Scandinavia was quickly covered by a network of railways. Already at the turn of the XIX–XX centuries. monopolization of industrial production and concentration of capital began. During the same period, the agrarian revolution was completed in agriculture, and the remnants of feudal relations and communal orders were finally eliminated. The orientation of agriculture from grain to meat and dairy was consolidated, which gave an advantage to farmstead farming.

The political development of the region retained certain specifics. The traditions of “constitutional absolutism” were preserved only in Denmark. The revolutionary events in Paris in 1848 caused the rise of the patriotic movement in Denmark.

The process of forming political parties began. In 1870, the United Venstre (left) party was created, the social support of which was the peasantry and the intelligentsia. Venstre advocated further democratization of the political system, expansion of suffrage and strengthening of local self-government. Conservative politicians united in 1872 into the Heire (right) group. In 1876, the Social Democratic Party was formed in Denmark, but it has not yet acquired much influence. In 1894, there was a split in the center-left movement and the formation of the radical democratic party Reformvenstre. In the late 90s, it gradually became the leading political force in Denmark, and in 1901 it came to power.

In Sweden and Norway, the democratization of the political system began much earlier. With the accession of the former Marshal Bernadotte to the throne under the name of Charles XIV Johan (1818-1844), the era of absolutism was finally left in the past. However, the founder of the new dynasty preferred to pursue a very moderate policy. Taking into account the dynamic economic development, noticeable successes in medicine and solving the food problem, the conservatism of the government policy did not cause much public discontent in Sweden. The situation changed by the end of the 30s, when a fairly broad liberal opposition movement formed in the country. Liberals advocated the establishment of a parliamentary system. In Norway the opposition was more radial. In 1848–1851 This is where the tranitarian movement arose. “Tranitarians” came out with demands for universal suffrage and expansion of the rights of Norway as part of the union.

Low wages cannot promote industrial progress, since a hungry worker cannot work to his full capacity.

Question 2. Why do you think Giolitti calls government support for low wages not only an economic, but also a political mistake?

He who does not consume does not produce. With low wages, the country’s economy is low; with a low economy, the state is politically weak.

Question 3. Give examples of states that by the beginning of the 20th century. Thanks to decent wages for hired workers, they became leaders in industrial progress.

England, France, and Germany at the end of the 19th century became leaders of industrial progress.

Question 4. Pay attention to the year of G. Giolitti’s speech in parliament. Guess why he was soon elected head of the Italian government. Was he able to pursue a policy of “pacification and reconciliation” in this position?

G. Giolitti became head of government in 1903. On his initiative, laws were adopted that eased the situation of workers. The scope of suffrage expanded. All this contributed to the growth of stability in society.

Spain in the first third of the 20th century (1898-1930)

1898 - 1930

Defeat in the war with the United States and its impact on the internal political situation in the country. Spanish regenerationism. Political dynamics in 1902-1923.

At the end of the 19th century. The crisis of the Spanish colonial empire worsened. The national liberation movement in Cuba in 1895 resulted in a general armed uprising, and in 1896 mass anti-Spanish protests began in the Philippine Islands. In an effort to use the situation to its advantage and seize Spain's colonies, the United States in 1898 provoked the Spanish-American War - the first imperialist war for the redivision of the world. The Spanish fleet was defeated off the coast of Cuba and the Philippine Islands. Spain was forced to conclude a peace treaty with the United States (December 1898, Paris), according to which Cuba was declared a republic under a US protectorate. The islands of Puerto Rico, Guam and the Philippines were also transferred to the Americans. In 1899, Spain sold its last possessions to Germany Pacific Ocean- Caroline, Mariana and Marshall Islands.

The defeat in the war with the United States and the loss of the last colonies revealed the military and diplomatic decline of Spain. The greatest power of the 16th-17th centuries, on whose vast colonial possessions “the sun never set”, in the 18th-19th centuries. lost its former power at the end of the 19th century. found itself relegated to the status of a second-rate European country. The mood of the Spanish ruling elite was dominated by ideological confusion and pessimism. The loss of the colonies had extremely negative economic consequences for Spain: stock quotes of a number of large trading companies decreased, the volume of transoceanic transportation decreased, and the food, mainly flour-grinding industry, largely focused on the supply of food products overseas, found itself in a crisis.

Nevertheless, the catastrophic results of the war with the United States did not shake the foundations of the political system. The parliamentary monarchy, combined with the alternating rule of the two leading bourgeois-oligarchic parties - conservatives and liberals - managed to withstand the pressure of public criticism. This “survival” of the political system was due not only to the government’s ability to adapt to changing conditions, implementing half-hearted reforms “from above” and not waiting for revolutionary upheavals “from below,” but also to the ideological fragmentation of the opposition and the absence of a cohesive democratic movement in the country.

After the defeat in the war against the United States, sentiment in favor of reforms intensified in Spanish society, and there was a growing understanding of the need for structural changes aimed at solving social problems, modernization of the backward economy, renewal of administrative structures. The ruling oligarchy hoped to preserve its privileges with the help of transformations, the growing industrial and financial bourgeoisie hoped to clear the way for accelerated modernization of the country, and the working class hoped to improve its financial situation.

The intellectual and socio-political movement that arose in the country during these years was called regenerationism - “renovationism”. Regenerationism was in many ways a spontaneous form of protest against the callousness of the Spanish monarchy, the archaic nature of social foundations and traditions, and the isolation of the political elite from the masses. Calls for modernization and a radical reorganization of the country were heard in the speeches of renovationist politicians of a wide variety of ideological views, from constitutional monarchists to republicans and anarcho-syndicalists.

The socio-political manifestation of “renovationism” was the emergence in 1900 of the National Union 1, led by the famous lawyer and historian Joaquin Costa (1844-1911).

The social support of the National Union was various associations of entrepreneurs and associations of small and medium-sized producers, such as regional Chambers of Commerce and Industry and the National League of Manufacturers. This was an attempt to organize a social movement capable of, as a “third force,” entering into a struggle for power with the “dynastic” ruling parties - the Conservative and Liberal. However, despite a wide propaganda campaign in the press, the National Union was unable to gain mass support, and its leaders were forced to announce self-dissolution in 1903.

In May 1902, upon reaching adulthood, Alfonso XIII 2 was proclaimed King of Spain. The regency period (from 1885) of his mother Queen Maria Cristina ended. During the solemn ceremony of accession to the throne, Alfonso XIII took the oath on the text of the Constitution adopted in 1876. The young monarch was fully aware of the complexity of the mission that fell to his lot - to rule a completely demoralized country, and even one that was at a political crossroads. This is evidenced by an entry in his personal diary made by Alfonso XIII on the day of his accession to the throne: “This year I have to take over the management of the state. Considering the way things are, this is an extremely responsible task. It will depend on me whether the Bourbon monarchy will remain in Spain, or whether it will be replaced by a republic.” 3

In accordance with the Constitution of 1876, the royal person was “sacred and inviolable” (Article 48). The king had a number of legislative and executive powers: to take legislative initiatives, promulgate laws, and appoint the government. He was also the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces and the sender foreign policy. But at the same time, according to the laws of the parliamentary monarchy, the king’s powers were limited. In particular, the monarch was obliged to obey the decisions of the Cortes and assist in the execution of government decrees.

To correctly understand the relationship between royal power and the government and the Cortes, it is necessary to take into account the following feature of the political system of the Restoration period: the government was not formed based on the results of the democratic will of the voters, but was actually appointed by the king. Head executive power It was not the leader of the party that received the most votes in the general elections, but the leader of the Conservative or Liberal Party who, in the opinion of the king, was able to lead the country most effectively. After his appointment by the king, the new chairman of the government had the right to form the cabinet of ministers, as well as determine the date for early parliamentary elections, during which he and his supporters actively used the notorious “administrative resource.” Through backroom negotiations, blackmail, promises and collusion with local caciques, the government, as a rule, managed to get its representatives into the Cortes and achieve a parliamentary majority. In other words, it was not the parliamentary majority that formed the government, but the government appointed by the king had enough opportunities to form a majority obedient to him in the Cortes. The main negative aspect of such anti-democratic practices was that the leading parties relied not on the voters who supported them, but on oligarchic groups and local caciques. Thus, the absence in Spain in the first quarter of the 20th century. real democratic forces, the practice of massive fraud and fraud during elections, the oligarchic nature of the legislative and executive powers - all this secured the image of the “sole guarantor of stability” for the monarch and turned him into the most influential figure in the country’s political system.

Despite the fact that the head of the government was personally appointed by Alfonso XIII, the relationship between the monarch and the leaders of the “dynastic” parties was by no means cloudless. The view that the king should always act as the “supreme authority”, “supra-party arbiter” and “guarantor of political stability” was not shared by everyone. In particular, the political leader Antonio Maura 4, who relied on large latifundists, military and Catholic hierarchs, made a lot of efforts to limit the interference of the monarch in the political life of the country. At the same time, the leaders of the Liberal Party, who did not have stable support in the army, clerical and business circles, sought to maximally strengthen the influence of the king, hoping with his help to achieve their own political goals. In turn, the king sought and achieved favor and support among high-ranking military personnel, since he did not fully trust politicians. According to some researchers, in the second half of his reign, Alfonso XIII felt more confident as commander-in-chief than as head of state. Analyzing the activities of Alfonso XIII as head of state, one should take into account the fact that Spain in the first quarter of the 20th century. was far from the democratic ideals of modern times, and abuses of royal power and party oligarchs were quite common.

The first years of Alfonso XIII's reign were marked by frequent changes in the cabinet of ministers: from May 1902 to January 1907, there were eleven. In 1902-1905, when the Conservative Party was in power, the cabinet was headed by F. Silvela, twice by R. Fernandez Villaverde, A. Maura and M. Azcarraga. In 1905-1907 at the head of the executive branch were the leaders of the Liberal Party - E. Montero Rios, three times S. Moret, X. Lopez Dominguez and the Marquis Vega de Armijo (see table). Thus, in 1902-1907. The tradition of alternating conservatives and liberals in power was maintained. However, in those years, in the ranks of the “dynastic” parties themselves there was no authoritative leader capable of uniting various factional groups and internal party trends for a long time.

Political parties and their leaders in power from 1901 to 1922
Years	Ruling party	Prime Ministers
1901-1902	Liberal Party	P.M. Sagasta
1902-1905	Conservative Party	F. Silvela, R. Fernandez Villaverde (twice), A. Maura, M. Azcárraga
1905-1907	Liberal Party	E. Montero Rios, S. Moret (three times), X. Lopez Dominguez, Vega de Armijo
1907-1909	Conservative Party	A. Maura
1909	Liberal Party	S. Moret
1910-1912	Liberal Party	X. Canalejas
1912	Liberal Party	A. Romanones
1913	Conservative Party	E. Dato
1915	Liberal Party	A. Romanones
1917	Conservative Party	E. Dato
1917	Coalition government	M. Garcia Prieto
1918	Coalition government	A. Maura
1918	Coalition government	M. Garcia Prieto
1918	Coalition government	A. Romanones
1919	Conservative Party	A. Maura
1920	Conservative Party	E. Dato
1921	Conservative Party	X. Allendesalazar
1921	Coalition government	A. Maura
1922	Coalition government	X. Sanchez Guerra
1922	Coalition government	M. Garcia Prieto

The ideas of regenerationism and renovationist postulates were present in all government programs of both “dynastic” parties, however, their practical results were very modest. The Conservatives failed, in particular, to implement reforms of local government and the tax system. Attempts by liberals to limit the role and influence of priests and monks in school education also proved futile due to fierce opposition from the Catholic Church. The innovations met with a wary attitude from army circles, who feared that government reforms would lead to an increase in separatist sentiments in the regions (primarily in Catalonia) and the labor movement on a nationwide scale. As a result of growing anti-Catalan sentiments and “cheer” patriotic campaigns, directly and indirectly encouraged by the “dynastic” parties, the influence of the military on domestic political life grew steadily. In army circles, the conviction grew that the Armed Forces, along with the monarchy and the church, are a stronghold of territorial integrity and political stability in the country. Yielding to the demands of the generals, the Liberal government was forced to pass a law in March 1906, according to which charges of crimes against the Motherland or the army fell under the jurisdiction of military tribunals. The adoption of this anti-democratic law meant an actual revision of the basic principles (on the system of executive power and non-interference of the military in political processes), developed in the 70s-80s of the 19th century. the "father" of the Spanish Restoration A. Canovas del Castillo. It became clear that in order to maintain the political status quo, the oligarchic parties were ready to sacrifice the principles of “civil society” by resorting to the help of the army.

The almost three-year stay in power of the leader of the Conservative Party A. Maura (1907-1909) was an exception against the backdrop of frequent changes of governments in the previous period. These years were called the “long reign of A. Maura” in contrast to his “short reign”, which lasted a year and a half. Having come to power in 1907, the Conservatives put forward a fairly bold program of reforms based on the ideas of regenerationism. In the Cortes in 1907-1909. A total of 264 bills were introduced. Conservatives were forced to give priority attention to such a pressing problem as the growth of radical nationalist sentiments and terrorism in Catalonia. In an effort to stop the separatism of the Catalans, A. Maura took measures to endow the region with a number of economic and tax benefits, as well as additional powers in the field of administrative self-government. The central government also used force. In particular, in order to combat terrorists in the largest Catalan cities of Barcelona and Gerona, constitutional guarantees have been repeatedly revoked.

In 1907, a law was passed on electoral reform. The spearhead of the law was directed against caciques and electoral fraud. For this purpose, participation in elections was declared mandatory, the conditions for the establishment of polling stations and election commissions were regulated, and the requirement was put forward to elect deputies on an alternative basis. However, in practice, numerous “loopholes” were discovered in the law, which allowed local caciques to continue the vicious practice of abuses on the ground. The law never became an effective means of guaranteeing compliance with democratic principles during elections.

The popularity of A. Maura's government reached its highest point in 1908 after the adoption of the law on the navy. This law provided for measures aimed at restoring the Spanish navy, lost as a result of defeat in the war with the United States in 1898. The transformations undertaken by the Conservative government into social sphere contributed to some improvement in the working conditions of factory workers, and allowed the creation of trade unions to protect the interests of rural workers. The main goal of A. Maura was to prevent a social revolution “from below” and expand the electoral base of conservatives by attracting representatives of the so-called passive strata of the population to active political life.

The reformist course of A. Maura was interrupted in the summer of 1909 as a consequence of the tragic events in Barcelona, ​​where, in response to the government’s attempt to mobilize Catalan reservists to be sent to the unpopular war in Morocco, street protest demonstrations occurred, suppressed by the authorities with extreme cruelty (the so-called “bloody week” "July 25-31, 1909). After the suppression of mass protests in Barcelona, ​​the government continued its repression. One of the organizers of street demonstrations - the moderate Catalan nationalist F. Ferrer 5 - was executed, which provoked new wave public outrage throughout the country and ultimately forced King Alfonso XIII to decide to resign the Conservative government.

On October 21, 1909, the king instructed the leader of the Liberal Party, S. Moret, to form a government. The leaders of the Conservative Party strongly opposed his appointment, accusing S. Moret of “unscrupulous methods of political struggle” during the reign of A. Maura. Contrary to expectations, after the liberals came to power, they failed to attract representatives of the PSOE and the republican parties to their side. The factional struggle also intensified in the Liberal Party itself, where Count Romanones 6 (one of the influential leaders of the party) and his associates, who were left without ministerial portfolios, and his associates intensified their criticism of S. Moret “from within.” The political weakness of S. Moret's cabinet was obvious, and in February 1910 he was replaced by a representative of the reformist wing of the Liberal Party, X. Canalejas 7 .

Like the conservative A. Maura, X. Canalejas came up with the idea of ​​“carrying out a revolution from above,” but not with the support of right-wing forces and oligarchic circles, but by involving representatives of the middle and petty bourgeoisie, as well as the working class, in the implementation of the reform program. The social program of the government of X. Canalejas provided for the improvement of labor legislation and the system social security workers. The length of the working day in factories, factories and mines was regulated, and labor benefits were established for women and children employed in production. A step was taken towards the separation of church and state. In particular, in 1910, the Cortes approved a law prohibiting the establishment of new religious orders, societies and associations in Spain. The anti-clerical measures of the liberals caused a deterioration in relations not only with the government and the Spanish Catholic clergy, but also with the Vatican. It came to a breakdown in relations between Madrid and the Vatican. The government of X. Canalejas recalled its ambassador to the Roman Curia. Violent anti-government protests inspired by clergy took place in many cities and provinces of the country. An attempt on the privileges of the hierarchs of the Catholic Church was regarded as a very risky action for the government due to the special position of the church in Spanish society, including in the field of education. 80% of school education was in the hands of the clergy. Of course, in the lessons of the Law of God and other academic disciplines, the priests were least concerned about disseminating democratic ideas and explaining the principles civil rights and freedom. The so-called religious question was one of the most pressing in the political life of the country during all the years of the reign of Alfonso XIII.

Despite the government's progressive reforms, social tensions did not subside in the country. Members of workers' associations demonstrated activity, among whom the influence of republicans and anarchists was growing 8 . On November 12, 1912, in one of the central squares of Madrid, A. Canalejas was killed by the anarchist Pardiñas. The process of social reforms in the country has again stalled.

Since 1913, the Spanish political system, based on the alternative tenure of the Conservative and Liberal parties, has experienced hard times. The instability was based on four main reasons. Firstly, the political confrontation between liberals and conservatives intensified due to the discrepancy between their party programs and the real requirements and demands of the majority of the population. Secondly, there was an internal fragmentation of the leading political forces, in the ranks of which factional movements were formed, led by various leaders (for the conservatives A. Maura and E. Dato 9, for the liberals - A. Romanones, M. Garcia Prieto, S. Alba, N . Alcala Zamora 10). Thirdly, the struggle between supporters of strictly centralized forms of government and supporters of the autonomy of the Basque Country and Catalonia became increasingly intense. They more and more energetically demanded that these regions be given tax benefits and broad administrative self-government. Fourthly, it became quite difficult for the country's oligarchic circles to follow the vicious practice of casiqueism and electoral fraud in the context of the growing opposition movements - republican, labor and ethno-regional.

Despite obvious signs of an impending political and social crisis, the country's leaders - both conservatives and liberals - continued to follow the policy of semi-reforms from above. Such tactics clearly contradicted the noticeable growth of domestic production and the increased export potential of the country, which became possible as a result of favorable foreign economic circumstances for Spain associated with the First World War that began in 1914. Having declared its neutrality, Spain acted as one of the important suppliers of food, raw materials and weapons to the warring powers, thereby ensuring the internal growth of commodity-money relations.

First World War contributed to the revival of the Spanish economy, coal mining and steel production increased. If in 1901-1914. The trade deficit systematically amounted to figures close to 100 million pesetas per year, then in 1914-1918. there was already a foreign trade surplus of 400 million pesetas per year. As a result, Spain was able not only to cover the external debt caused by military expenditures in 1898, but also to significantly increase its gold and foreign exchange reserves: between 1913 and 1917, the country's gold reserves increased from 570 to 2225 million pesetas. Electricity production grew (in 1901, 104 million kW/hour was produced, in 1920 - 606 million kW/hour). The transport network developed, horse-drawn transport gave way to automobile transport: in 1917, 2 thousand trucks were sold, in 1920 - more than 12 thousand. In 1919, regular air service was established between Madrid and Barcelona.

However, the impressive economic growth was based not on radical structural changes, but on the economic conditions of the First World War. Beginning in 1921, the trade deficit began to grow, reaching an impressive figure of 1 billion 300 million pesetas per year in the mid-20s. Transformations in the agricultural sector, carried out since 1905 by the Institute of Social Reforms, have not received widespread practical implementation. The development of a project for progressive taxation on land dragged on for many years. Massive landlessness of peasants hampered the development of agriculture and livestock raising.

During the First World War, Spanish society experienced ideological and political “fragmentation” regarding sympathy for the opposing alliances - there were many supporters of both German militarism and the Entente powers in the country. In addition, a split occurred in the ranks of the military between “Africanists”, i.e. participants in the hostilities in Morocco, and “peninsular” - military personnel who served on the territory of the Iberian Peninsula. Among the latter, there was growing dissatisfaction with low salaries and growing high costs, which ultimately led to the creation of Military Defense Juntas, whose leaders (mainly middle officer ranks) put forward not only economic, but also political demands.

The peak of political and social tension in the country occurred in 1917 (not last role events in Russia played a role here). The party and parliamentary crises in Spain were aggravated by the general strike, which began on August 13, 1917 at the call of the largest trade union association, the General Union of Working People (GUT). The strikers demanded that the authorities improve working conditions and raise wages. The strike was successful primarily in the industrial centers of the country - Catalonia, Asturias, Madrid and the Basque Country. Frightened by the massive nature of the strike, the government resorted to the help of the army to disperse the street demonstrations. As a result of brutal repression, more than 100 demonstrators died. Members of the central strike committee were arrested. The leaders of the strike, socialists X. Besteiro (1870-1940) and F. Largo Caballero 11, were sentenced to life imprisonment. (In 1918 they were released because they were elected deputies of the Cortes.)

In the fall of 1917, under the pressure of sharp criticism from various party and trade union associations, as well as the leaders of the Military Defense Juntas, the government of E. Dato was forced to resign. To overcome the crisis situation, on the initiative of King Alfonso XIII, a coalition government was formed in 1917, headed by M. García Prieto. It was replaced in 1918 by the government of A. Maura, whose composition was selected not on party grounds, but on the professional and organizational abilities of the ministers.

Politically, the period from 1917 to 1923 became the most “conflict” of all the years of Alfonso XIII’s reign. During this time there were 13 government crises. It was marked by the high intensity of the strike struggle, almost universal dissatisfaction with the colonial war in Morocco, the activation of anarcho-terrorist groups, the increasingly overt intervention of the military in political life and, as a consequence, the decline in the authority of “dynastic” parties and the decline in the prestige of the monarchy. The political system of the period of the constitutional monarchy of Alfonso XIII, characterized by the dominance of two leading bourgeois-oligarchic parties - conservative and liberal - turned out to be unable to provide answers to the urgent demands of the time. Political mechanisms, which operated largely due to historical inertia inherited from the 19th century, ceased to function properly.

The defeat of the Spanish expeditionary force near Anval in July 1921 (in the battle with Moroccan nomads under the command of Abd el-Krim, the Spanish army lost 12 thousand people in killed alone) influenced the political situation in the country. The hearings and heated debates held in the Cortes revealed not only obvious military miscalculations, but also political mistakes made by the country's top leadership, including the monarch himself. One of the socialist leaders, I. Prieto (1883-1962), demanded a thorough investigation of all the circumstances of the defeat at Anval. A government commission was created that would confirm the assumption that a number of army and civilian leaders were responsible for systematic military failures in Morocco. The commission in October 1923 was supposed to submit a special report to the Cortes. However, the report was never made public due to the coup d'état carried out in September 1923 by General M. Primo de Rivera 12 .

Socio-political processes. Regional nationalisms

Spanish republicanism, as one of the opposition political movements, entered the 20th century. with much more solid ideological and intellectual potential than real political opportunities. The crisis of 1898 and the factional struggle in the leading monarchist parties - Conservative and Liberal - contributed to the ideological reorganization of adherents of the republican system and their unification in the ranks of two new parties: the Radical, created by A. Lerrousse in 1908, and the Reformist, established in 1912. M. Alvarez and G. Ascarate. The outright populism and anti-clericalism of the Radical Party won the sympathy of the population especially in Catalonia, and especially the youth. The leaders of the Reform Party, who occupied more moderate positions, called on their supporters to carry out democratic changes and socio-economic reforms in the spirit of a gradual “renewal” of the existing system. This “moderation” of the ideological platform of the representatives of the Reformist Party was later “adopted” more than once by the governments of constitutional monarchists.

Among the workers, there was a steady increase in sympathy for the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE), as well as for anarchist organizations of various kinds. Under the control of the anarchists was one of the largest trade union associations - the National Confederation of Workers (NCT), which in 1920 numbered about 1 million members. The UGT was under the control of the socialists; in 1920 there were about 200 thousand members in its ranks.

The leaders of the PSOE gained political weight. In 1910, P. Iglesias became the first representative of Spanish social democracy to be elected to the Cortes General. Under the conditions of the political dominance of “dynastic” parties, various anti-monarchist groups and trade union associations of social democratic orientation united on the ideological platform of the PSOE, whose leaders proclaimed a course for radical reform of Spanish society in the interests of the working people. The growing influence of the Social Democrats in the working environment was demonstrated by the general strike called by the UGT and the CNT in August 1917.

The October Socialist Revolution of 1917 in Russia significantly influenced the political life of Spain. In April 1920 it was formed Communist Party Spain (CPI), which launched active campaigning among workers. True, socialists and anarchists retained leading positions in the working class.

An important role in the political life of the country in the 20th century was destined for the Spanish military. This is largely explained by the traditions of the 19th century, when the army used various reasons for direct or indirect interference in political processes. During the Restoration period, the Spanish generals were “in sight” due to colonial expansion in Morocco. In addition, having the opportunity to directly address the king as the Supreme Commander with relevant requests, the leaders of the army and navy felt themselves in a privileged position compared to politicians. The generals, who considered themselves (by position) one of the strongholds of the monarchy, did not admit that the Minister of Defense could be a person not from among them. It is no coincidence that during the entire period of the Restoration, out of 34 defense ministers, only four were civilians. Moreover, all of them were appointed to this post after 1917, when attempts at overt interference by the military in political life became especially obvious. In Spain, army service has always been considered a prestigious occupation, and officers were graduated from military schools in abundance: in 1990, there were more than 16 thousand officers for 12 thousand officer positions approved by the state. This state of affairs gave rise to many politicians both right and left wingers call Spain during the reign of Alfonso XIII a “military monarchy.” At the same time, it would be unfair to say that army circles played a dominant role in those years domestic policy. Proof is the fact that per capita defense spending in Spain was six times less than in Great Britain and three times less than in France. Let us also note that the king more than once managed, through political maneuvering and compromises, to prevent a direct clash of interests between the ruling cabinets and the generals.

In the first quarter of the 20th century. Against the backdrop of all political movements, peripheral, or regional, nationalisms emerged with particular force in the Basque Country, Catalonia and Galicia. Solving regional and local (often parochial) problems, their ideologists simultaneously contributed to the formation of a national reform movement.

Basque nationalism is based on the postulate of the ethnocultural, linguistic and historical exclusivity of the ancient Basque people. The ultimate goal of radical Basque nationalism is the formation of a sovereign, unified state, including areas of compact Basque residence in Spain (Basque Country and Navarre) and France. The historical justification for Basque nationalism was the extremely broad administrative and tax autonomy during the period of formation and consolidation of the unified Spanish state (XV-XIX centuries), which existed on the basis of regional benefits and privileges - fueros 13. The peculiarity of Basque nationalism was manifested in the identification of values ​​characteristic of the entire Basque people as a special community and their opposition to the individualism of the consolidating Spanish bourgeois society. This ideological attitude was a kind of response to the massive immigration of labor to the Basque Country from other Spanish regions from the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

The ideological inspirer and theorist of Basque nationalism was S. Arana (1865-1903), who considered the racial, linguistic and moral-religious characteristics of the Basque people as exceptional and different from all other peoples of the Iberian Peninsula. The Spaniards, in his interpretation, were presented as colonizers and enslavers of the Basque people. In 1895, S. Arana founded the Basque Nationalist Party (BNP) 14. Basque nationalism, in contrast to the more moderate Catalan and Galician nationalisms, initially had a radical ideological and political justification, which served as a breeding ground for the emergence and development of Basque separatism in the 20th-21st centuries. Moreover, in the second half of the 20th century. aggressive Basque nationalism and separatism became the ideological sources of ETA terrorism 15.

The nationalism of Catalonia was based on the ideas of Catalan regionalism of the 19th century. Socio-economic differences between industrialized Catalonia and the agricultural provinces of the interior of Spain were one of the reasons for the surge of radical Catalanism at the beginning of the 20th century. Social base Catalan nationalism was composed predominantly of representatives of the urban bourgeoisie and the financial-industrial elite, who used parochial nationalism as an effective tool of pressure on the central government to satisfy their corporate interests. One of the ideological leaders of Catalan nationalism was F. Pi i Margal (1824-1901), who developed a program for the reorganization of Spain along a federal principle. His student and follower V. Almirall (1841-1904), founder of the periodicals El Estado Catalan and Diari Catalana, formulated the basic principles of Catalanism. Another ideologist of conservative Catalanism, E. Prat de la Riba (1870-1917), founded in 1901 one of the first nationalist parties, the Regional League, and became the initiator of the pan-Catalan nationalist movement, whose task was to form a “Greater Catalonia”, which included, in addition to Catalonia itself , Valencia and the Balearic Islands. In the 20th century Catalan nationalism due to the lack of ideological and political unity in the ranks of Catalan nationalists, who perceived differently ultimate goals movement, developed heterogeneously. Yes, radical nationalist party The "Regional League" in 1914 managed to obtain permission from the central government of Spain to establish the "Catalan Unity" - an administrative body of regional self-government that represented the interests of all Catalan provinces (in 1925, during the dictatorship of General M. Primo de Rivera " Catalan Unity" was abolished). At the same time, conservative nationalists, fearful of the growing strike movement in the region, limited their ideological program to demands for expanded economic and tax benefits for Catalonia's financial elite. One of the leaders of moderate Catalan nationalism, F. Cambo (1876-1947), sharply condemned Catalan separatism.

Galician nationalism owes its emergence to the democratic Galician intelligentsia who spoke out at the end of the 19th century. in defense of the ethnocultural identity of the region. True, nationalist calls in Galicia were not as loud as in Catalonia and the Basque Country. In the formation of Galician nationalism, an important role belonged to liberal-traditionalist ideas, which were propagated by the Galician League of A Coruña and the Galician League of Santiago. The Federal Assembly of the Galician Region, meeting in Lugo (1877), adopted the “Draft Constitution, or Basic Pact for the future Galician State.” IN major cities Galicia back in the 19th century. In order to popularize the Galician language, circles of intellectuals - “language brotherhoods” - arose. At the beginning of the 20th century. The leaders of the “language brotherhoods” established a regional organization, the National Galician Brotherhood, which played an important role in the development of Galician nationalism.

Establishment of the dictatorship of M. Primo de Rivera. Military and civilian directories

In a climate of political instability, aggravated by significant military failures in Africa, on September 13-15, 1923, Captain General of Catalonia M. Primo de Rivera, with the support of the army and with the tacit consent of the king, carried out a coup d'etat. The government showed complete incompetence and did not take any measures to counter the establishment of a dictatorship. Having come to power, M. Primo de Rivera dissolved the Cortes General and political parties, declared martial law in the country, banned demonstrations, and actually secured the right of direct personal communication with the king. Tired of government leapfrog, the country as a whole followed the actions of the dictator quite indifferently. The social support of the dictatorship at the first stage of its existence were army circles, associations of entrepreneurs, small commodity producers, and trade unions. In his address to the Spaniards, the general announced his intention to stabilize the internal political situation, improve the economy and begin reforming the country in the spirit of regenerationist ideas. Instead of the government dispersed by the dictator, a Temporary Military Inspectorate Directory of military officials was formed - the appearance of a government body. In fact, the military directory performed auxiliary bureaucratic functions, since M. Primo de Rivera assumed full executive power. As a priority, he declared the fight against casiqueism, local abuses and anarchy. To achieve these goals, all civilian governors in the provinces were replaced by military officers with broad powers to maintain public order and combat crime. Local authorities were dissolved, and in their place Municipal Juntas were created, which included representatives of the most prosperous segments of the population. In 1924, the Municipal Statute came into force, and in 1925, the Provincial Statute - documents that legally expanded the rights and responsibilities of local authorities. The election system underwent changes: city mayors and members of municipal councils began to be elected from among candidates nominated by various professional associations, as well as associations of urban and rural residents. Thus, the possibilities of the caciques, local party oligarchs, to promote their proteges through election fraud or outright intimidation were curtailed.

In May 1924, M. Primo de Rivera announced the creation of the Patriotic Union, a national party designed to fill the political vacuum created after the ban on other political parties and associations. However, created on orders from above and actively supported only by provincial governors, the Patriotic Union did not gain any widespread support from the population.

M. Primo de Rivera tried to give legitimacy to the regime: in 1925, the military directory was replaced by a civil directory - a ministerial cabinet headed by the dictator himself. According to M. Primo de Rivera, the tasks of the civil directory were to include promoting the so-called corporatist processes in the country. Society, which he represented as a certain “sum of individuals,” was to be replaced by a new social structure, built on corporate principles and capable of exerting a regulatory influence on political and social economic processes, including employment and social insurance of workers. Much of the corporatist undertakings of M. Primo de Rivera were borrowed by him from the fascist ideology of B. Mussolini.

During the years of dictatorship, changes occurred in the composition of the country's political elite. The leaders of the traditional bourgeois-monarchist parties were replaced by new forces from among the military, high-ranking officials, and young clerics who realized the need for social reforms in the country.

Ideologically, the dictatorial regime pursued a policy of promoting “state nationalism,” the ideological platform of which was supposed to unite the country’s citizens on the basis of national values. This policy was directed against regional nationalists, especially in Catalonia. Initially, the majority of Catalan nationalists supported the dictator's measures to combat corruption and the dominance of party oligarchs. However, after the introduction of a ban on the activities of the administrative body of regional self-government “Catalan Unity” and a number of other nationalist associations in Catalonia, opposition to the harsh regional policy, conducted by M. Primo de Rivera. In response, the dictatorial regime intensified its policy of national oppression. The Directory declared the agitation for Catalan autonomy “treason.” Teaching in Catalan was prohibited in schools. As a result of these violent measures, the separatist movement in Catalonia gained strength, and republican ideas increasingly attracted both the Catalans and other nationalities of Spain.

Economic and social policy of the regime. Fall of the dictatorship of M. Primo de Rivera

At the core economic policy The authoritarian regime of M. Primo de Rivera was based on the principles of state regulation and protection of national producers, called “economic nationalism.” The productive sectors of the economy found themselves under the patronage of the state, which influenced them through an extensive system of tax benefits, incentives and subsidies. Regulatory functions at the national level were assigned to the National Economic Council (NEC). In 1928, the SNE was transformed into the Ministry of National Economy - in fact the central government agency, planning and regulating economic processes in the country. Strengthening the domestic national market and encouraging national producers, the MNE directed major government subsidies to the development of industries such as railway and maritime transport, mining and processing of mineral raw materials. The dictator's economic innovations (state subsidies, loans to private companies, increased protectionist duties) contributed to the revival in 1924-1928. industrial production and trade.

M. Primo de Rivera's ambitious plans for economic development were to a large extent associated with an extensive public works program, also under the patronage of the state. This program had three important components: the construction of new railways and the modernization of existing ones; construction of highways for developing road transport; construction of powerful hydraulic structures for the needs of agriculture and electricity production. Many points of the public works program were successfully implemented. In particular, in the period from 1924 to 1929, more than 7 thousand km of paved roads were built and modernized.

The creation of state monopolies in the most promising industries or in the provision of services is another direction of the economic policy of the dictatorship. In 1924, the Telephone Company was established, which became a virtual monopolist in the field of telephone communications, and in 1927, CAMPSA 16, which quickly concentrated in its hands the processing and sale of petroleum products on the Spanish market.

The doctrine of “Spanish corporatism,” actively promoted by the regime and introduced into people’s consciousness, was based on the ideas of organizing labor relations in which entrepreneurs, employees and workers would be united by common production goals, approximately equal social interest and responsibility. According to the ideologists of the doctrine, the state was supposed to directly act as a guarantor of the fairness of such “corporatist” relations. Spanish corporatism pursued the goal of avoiding acute labor conflicts and social upheaval. The practical support of this policy was the National Corporate Organization (NCO), created in 1926. Its organizational structure included (based on the “pyramid” principle) Parity Committees, which united in their ranks entrepreneurs, employees and ordinary workers of a separate economic sphere, a separate production sector and a separate enterprise. The parity committees were called upon to “shape” a climate of “social harmony.” (Later they became the prototype of the “vertical trade unions” created during the Franco dictatorship (1939-1975)). New labor legislation was actively developed, embodied in the Labor Code of 1926. The development of partnership relations between the regime, primarily with the UGT, was built in the following way: its leaders were included in government bodies and Parity Committees. Thus, the regime relied on trade unions.

In October 1927, on the initiative of the leaders of the regime, a unicameral National Consultative Assembly (NCA) was convened to develop a new constitution. The 400 deputies of the NCC included representatives of various corporate associations and associations. 150 deputies represented Spanish provinces (3 from each), 131 - professional associations, 61 became deputies “by position”, 58 were major government officials.

Despite the active “reform” beginning and quite serious attempts to change the social life of Spain, the policies of M. Primo de Rivera did not lead to the resolution of a single problem facing the country. Having declared his goal to end corruption in the state apparatus, improve the national economy and promote the prosperity of the country, M. Primo de Rivera actually contributed to the further growth of corruption, the exacerbation of social contradictions and the increase in the country’s external debt.

The National Consultative Assembly failed in its task of drafting a constitution. Since 1928, this institutional support of the dictatorship began to crack. The activities of the NCC were practically paralyzed due to the growing opposition to the regime from the army and business circles, regional nationalists of Catalonia. Worker strikes have become more frequent in Asturias, the Basque Country and Andalusia. The republican movement was expanding in the country. Among the Spanish intelligentsia and the liberal bourgeoisie, calls for a fight against the dictatorship of M. Primo de Rivera and against the monarchy were increasingly heard.

Representatives of the “dynastic” parties, who found themselves out of work, demanded a return to the fundamental provisions of the Constitution of 1876. Students from a number of major universities protested against the policy of M. Primo de Rivera to provide additional benefits and government subsidies to private educational institutions. The student demonstrations were led by the leaders of the Spanish University Federation (IUF). The economic crisis in 1929 accelerated the process of the fall of the dictatorship. In January 1930, M. Primo de Rivera submitted his resignation to the king, which was immediately accepted.

The fall of the seven-year authoritarian regime of M. Primo de Rivera can be explained by several reasons: among them economic (crisis, rising prices, depreciation of the peseta), political (loss of support from the army and business circles, workers and trade union organizations), institutional (the regime’s inability to achieve legitimization through the adoption of a constitution and the formation of a legal and capable parliament), as well as the aggravation of ethno-national problems, primarily in relations between the center and Catalonia.

After the resignation of M. Primo de Rivera, the cabinet of General D. Berenguer (1873-1953), a protege of King Alfonso XIII, was formed. However, such a change of faces did not reassure society. The struggle against the monarchy intensified. General D. Berenguer was unable to retain power. The new ruling cabinet headed by Admiral H.B. Aznar (1860-1933) decided to save the monarchy by restoring a semblance of constitutional order. Municipal elections were scheduled for April 1931 in the country. In August 1930, a meeting of the leaders of the leading republican and social democratic parties took place in San Sebastian (Basque Country). The meeting participants signed an agreement (the Pact of San Sebastian) on cooperation in the fight against the monarchy with the aim of establishing a republican system and introducing deep political and socio-economic transformations in the country.

Foreign policy of Spain in the first quarter of the 20th century. Colonial expansion in Africa

The inactive foreign policy pursued by Spain in the first quarter of the 20th century was called “internal concentration” (“recogimiento”). However, this “internal focus” was based on pragmatic diplomatic maneuvering and the desire to avoid involvement in large military alliances.

Spain did not participate in the First World War (1914-1918). Its national interests were not directly affected by this conflict. Madrid, fearing growing discontent within the country, declared its neutrality.

Back at the beginning of the 20th century. Spain's attempts to make up for colonial losses in the Western Hemisphere with an active expansionist policy in North Africa, mainly in Morocco, encountered not only the resistance of local tribes, but also the opposition of France, which was more experienced in the struggle for the redistribution of spheres of influence. Nevertheless, Spanish diplomacy managed to achieve political compromises from France in cases where the fight against the Moroccan tribes required joining forces. In particular, in 1904, Spain and France entered into a secret agreement on the division of Morocco, confirmed by the Algeciras Conference (1906) 17 .

Morocco, being located on the southern borders of Spain, was of great strategic importance for Madrid. In addition, the Spaniards were attracted by the Moroccan province of the Rif, rich in mineral raw materials. Despite Spain's advantage in weapons, the Moroccan tribes, who rose up to fight the occupiers, inflicted a number of painful defeats on the Spanish regular troops. Since 1915, the resistance of the Berber tribes, led by the energetic tribal leader Abd-el-Krim, acquired a particularly fierce and organized character. In 1921, the troops of Abd el-Krim completely defeated the Spanish army near Anwal (Rif province). Despite the growth of anti-war protests in Spain, the colonial war in Morocco continued.

5. Bourgeois revolutions in Spain in the 1850–1870s.

(Fourth Revolution: 1854 - 1856;

Fifth Revolution: 1868 – 1874)

Spain's economic development is in the middle XIX century. In the mid-19th century, the pace of capitalist development in Spain accelerated. Spain experienced an industrial revolution that began in the 1830s and included the mining and manufacturing industries. The industrial revolution spread to all leading sectors of the economy. The textile industry, primarily the cotton industry, developed most rapidly, concentrated mainly in Catalonia. The production of coal, lead, copper, zinc, iron ore. Due to insufficient capacity of metallurgical plants, b O Most of the mined ores were exported abroad.

New metallurgical plants were built in the area of ​​Malaga, Asturias, and the Basque region. The light and food industries, textile, leather, tobacco, and sugar industries developed rapidly. Old soda production enterprises in Alicante, Cartagena, Malaga were expanded and modernized; sugar factories in Valencia and Granada; breweries - in Madrid and Santander; cork - in Catalonia; ceramic manufactories in Talavera, Alcor and Madrid; lace - in Almagro.

Spain has achieved significant success in the development of transport. Since 1848, railways and highways began to be built in the country. The first railway from Barcelona to Mataro was opened in 1848, after which the construction of new roads began. By 1868, their length was already five thousand (5 thousand) kilometers. By the end of the 1860s, railways connected Madrid with the country's largest cities. The total length of highways reached seventeen and a half thousand kilometers (17.5 thousand km) by 1868. In 1802, their length was only three thousand two hundred kilometers (3.2 thousand km). Work was carried out to deepen river beds, canals were built, and new merchant ships were built. The volume of foreign trade has increased significantly. Spain exported (exported) wines, citrus fruits, olive oil, non-ferrous metal ores (lead, copper, zinc), cork; imported coal, cotton, cars, tobacco. Spain's main trading partners were France, England, Germany, Portugal, and Cuba. However, Spain's foreign trade balance remained passive. To cover the growing deficit, the government introduced new taxes and increasingly resorted to foreign and domestic loans.

In general, despite undoubted progress, Spain continued to remain an extremely backward country. This was especially true in agriculture - seventy percent (70%) of the land remained uncultivated and yields were extremely low. The industrial revolution did not eliminate Spain's lag behind the advanced capitalist countries of Europe. B O Most of the cars were imported from abroad; foreign capital dominated the economy, especially in railway construction and the mining industry. Small and medium-sized enterprises predominated. Spain's industrial lag was explained, first of all, by the persistence of feudal remnants in agriculture, which hampered the development of the domestic market. The industry suffered from a lack of capital, since in those conditions the Spanish bourgeoisie preferred to invest it in buying up former church lands and in government loans. Demortization led to the redistribution of land property. A layer of bourgeoisie appeared in the countryside, whose interests were closely intertwined with the interests of the big bourgeoisie of the cities. The demand for agricultural products increased, sown areas expanded, and the gross harvest of grain, grapes, and olives increased. The railway connection increased the marketability of agriculture and contributed to the development of its specialization. Unfortunately, new agricultural technology was introduced into Spanish agriculture very slowly, which was due to socio-economic relations in the Spanish countryside. The position of the bulk of the Spanish peasantry has changed little. Only the liquidation of landownership, or at least its significant limitation, could radically change the situation of the peasant masses. Therefore, the agrarian question remained the most important, key problem on which the further development of the country depended. Until this problem was solved, there could be no talk of overcoming Spain's economic backwardness.

Population growth (from the end of the 18th century to 1860, the population of Spain grew by about one and a half times and reached more than fifteen and a half million people), urban development, and rapid urbanization led to an increase in the size of the working class: by the mid-1860s there were more workers two hundred fifty thousand. Of these two hundred and fifty thousand workers: about fifty thousand were employed in the mining industry, over thirty thousand workers were employed in the heavy industry, and a total of one hundred and eighty thousand were employed in the light industry (130 thousand workers) and the food industry (50 thousand workers). There were two and a half million farm laborers in the country. The living conditions of Spanish workers in the middle of the 19th century were not easy: the working day lasted fourteen to sixteen (14–16) hours, A

Since the 1830s, workers' organizations began to appear in Spain - workers' mutual aid funds, followed by the first trade unions. The earliest trade union was the “Weavers' Society” created in 1840 in Barcelona, ​​headed by the worker Munts. In 1854, industrial trade unions united into a single “Union of Workers of Catalonia” - the first federation of workers' organizations in Spain. The “workers' union of Catalonia” was soon banned by the authorities, leading to the first serious general strike and strike in Barcelona in 1855. Catalan workers were able to achieve the legal right to create their own associations only in 1868. At the same time, the ideas of utopian socialism began to penetrate into Spain. The first Spanish Fourierist (follower of Fourier's teachings), Joaquin Abreu, created a phalanstery (community, association) in 1841 near Cadiz, but it quickly collapsed. The ideologist of Spanish utopian socialism was also Fernando Garrido, who founded the magazine “La Atracción” in Madrid in 1846. Later, similar magazines began to be published in Barcelona. The utopian socialist movement in Spain was not associated with the labor movement, as in other European countries, therefore, its ideology did not become the ideology of the Spanish proletariat.

In 1862, Barcelona workers demanded the right to create their own organizations to defend the class interests of the Spanish proletariat from the advance of industrial and financial capital. In 1868 they were given the right to create workers' associations. A representative of the First International, Italian Fanelli, a follower of anarchism and an admirer of its ideological “founding father” - Mikhail Bakunin, who came to Spain, founded the first Spanish sections of the First International. The number of sections grew rapidly, and in 1870, at a congress in Barcelona, ​​the Spanish Federation of the International Workers' Association (First International) was formed. Under Fanelli's influence, anarchism quickly penetrated the Spanish labor movement and became its leading direction for a long time. This was largely facilitated by the widespread spread of small and semi-handicraft production in the country. Most of the workers employed there were infected with petty-bourgeois ideology, which favored the spread of anarchism among the workers. The agitation of the anarchist Fanelli fell on fertile soil and found a wide response among the Spanish working class.

The third bourgeois revolution in Spain (dated 1834-1843) not only did not resolve the agrarian question, the problem of latifundism and peasant land shortage, but, on the contrary, aggravated it. In the southern and central regions of the country, small-peasant leases were replaced by the own farms of large landowners, based on the use of day laborers. In Catalonia, Galicia, Asturias, and Old Castile, the process of gradual transformation of peasant holders into tenants continued. The restructuring of agriculture on a capitalist basis proceeded slowly and was accompanied by land dispossession and impoverishment of the peasant masses, the transformation of peasants into farm laborers with allotments and powerless tenants.

The fourth bourgeois revolution in Spain (1854 - 1856). The further development of capitalist relations took place in conditions of incompleteness of the previously begun bourgeois transformations. By the mid-1850s, social relations in Spain had become strained. The Industrial Revolution led to the massive ruin of factory workers, a decrease in the real wages of workers, the intensification of their work, and mass unemployment. The tax increase caused widespread outrage. The growing needs and positions of the Spanish bourgeoisie led to a revision of the compromise that had developed in the country as a result of the third bourgeois revolution.

When young Isabella turned thirteen, she was declared of age and proclaimed under the name of Queen Isabella II. As an adult, Queen Isabella II proved to be a “worthy” daughter of her father Ferdinand VII.

In the summer of 1854, the head of the Spanish government, lover and favorite of the Queen, San Luis, issued an unprecedented decree ordering the population of the country to pay taxes six months (six months) in advance due to the fact that the state treasury was empty. This has never happened before in the history of Spain. This has filled the patience of the people. Opposition-minded generals O'Donnell and Dulce attempted to carry out a top military coup d'état (“pronunciamiento”), but failed, and they had to turn to the popular masses for support. In July 1854, both generals published a manifesto demanding the elimination of the palace camarilla, strict adherence to laws, reforms, the introduction of freedom of the press, tax cuts, economical spending of public funds, expansion of the rights of local authorities, and the restoration of the national militia. Taking advantage of the oppositional sentiments of the people, the rebellious General O'Donnell turned directly to the people and proposed to join forces to create a new, democratic Spain: to disperse the court camarilla (“camara” - “king’s chambers”, in a figurative sense, a group of favorites-arbiters of destinies gathered near the chambers Spain); introduce freedom of the press, strictly observe the laws of Spain. This democratic program, completely understandable to the people, stirred up the masses: uprisings broke out in many cities, revolutionary provincial juntas led by progressives began to be created, and national militia units were formed. It came to barricade battles with government troops and slogans for the establishment of a republic in Spain. The latter, in a country that traditionally supported the monarchy, was new and unexpected.

In this very tense situation, the leader of the progressives, General Espartero, who had returned shortly before these events from England, appeared in Madrid. The population of the capital enthusiastically and jubilantly greeted the disgraced general who had arrived from exile. In July 1854, popular uprisings broke out in Barcelona, ​​Madrid, Malaga, and Valencia, with artisans and workers actively participating in them. Under pressure and at the request of the liberals, Queen Isabella II was forced to appoint the leader of the Progressive Party, Espartero, as head of government. The post of Minister of War was taken by General O'Donnell, representing the Moderados party. Thus, at the end of July 1854, at the moment of the highest rise of the revolutionary wave, Espartero came to power and had the opportunity to bring the revolution to an end.

At first, Espartero, as Prime Minister, acted in the interests and aspirations of the Spanish people: he developed and passed through parliament a new, liberal constitution of Spain, in which, for the first time in the history of the country, the practice of Catholicism and other faiths was allowed, he forbade monasteries and churches from buying land, completed the demortization of lands belonging to the clergy, etc. This was the end of church and monastic land ownership, and the plots of land put up for sale fell into the hands of new owners - wealthy peasants, officials, the bourgeois nobility and the urban bourgeoisie. The confiscation and sale of church lands helped reduce the budget deficit and strengthened the alliance between the bourgeois nobility and the bourgeoisie. The sale of common lands, which began in 1855, continued until the end of the 19th century. It caused enormous damage to peasant farms, depriving them of pastures and forest lands, and accelerated the ruin of the peasantry. The massive ruin of the peasants, in turn, provided cheap labor for the latifundia, which were rebuilding on the capitalist path of development. Capitalism in agriculture has received a new impetus for development. The Espartero-O'Donnell government restored the national militia and convened the Cortes. In 1855-1856, laws were passed that encouraged railway construction and the creation of new enterprises and banks. The policies of the government of “progressives” and “moderados” contributed to the growth of entrepreneurial initiative and the attraction of foreign capital to the country.

During the fourth bourgeois revolution, the labor movement intensified. Its center was Catalonia, the country's largest industrial region. By mid-1854, a workers’ organization called the “Union of Classes” was created in Barcelona (classes meant workers of different professions). Its goal was to fight for higher wages and a shorter working day. Under the leadership of the “Union of Classes” a number of strikes were carried out, workers achieved a real increase in wages.

At the beginning of 1855, factory owners went on the offensive: mass lockouts began. In the spring of 1855, the authorities brought the leader of the labor movement, J. Barceló, to trial on false charges, and he was soon executed. On July 2, 1855, workers in several factories in the vicinity of Barcelona went on strike, and by July 5, all enterprises in Barcelona and its industrial belt stopped working. The strikers demanded the right to create workers' associations (unions), improve working conditions, and establish a 10-hour (ten-hour) working day. The government used “carrot and stick” tactics: on July 9, government troops were introduced into the working-class neighborhoods of Barcelona, ​​at the same time, Espartero promised to allow workers’ organizations and limit the working day for teenagers and children. After the strike ended, Espartero's government treacherously broke its promises. As the workers' and peasants' movement grew, the big bourgeoisie and liberal nobility moved into the camp of the counter-revolution. General O'Donnell took upon himself the suppression of the revolution.

This, however, was the end of all the progressive reforms of General Espartero. He introduced “moderados” (“moderates”) into the government, received a large loan from Spanish bankers in exchange for a promise to end the revolution and pursue conservative policies, limited freedom of assembly and the press, and closed revolutionary clubs. At the same time, General Espartero did not dare to fulfill the main demand of the peasantry - to eliminate landownership. This caused massive peasant unrest in agricultural areas, especially in Andalusia, Extremadura, and Valladolid in the summer of 1856. The peasants were joined by urban workers and artisans who turned to Espartero for support. Agrarian reforms during the fourth bourgeois revolution caused sharp discontent in the countryside. In the summer of 1856, a peasant movement developed in Old Castile, which was brutally suppressed.

Taking advantage of Espartero's indecision on the peasant issue and his inability to suppress the revolution, the “moderados” succeeded in removing General Espartero from power. On July 14, 1856, General O'Donnell provoked the resignation of Espartero and dissolved the Cortes. General O'Donnell became prime minister and immediately announced the dissolution of the Cortes. The response to the coup d'etat and the overthrow of Espartero was an uprising in Madrid, supported by revolutionary protests in a number of other cities. The workers built barricades in Madrid and were ready to fight until victory. But General Espartero, overthrown during another military coup by General O’Donnell, avoided the fight. Instead of leading the uprising in Madrid, the Progressive General Espartero left the capital. Following him, the national police left the Madrid barricades, and on July 16, 1856, the workers' uprising in the capital was suppressed by the army. Having defeated the revolution, O'Donnell's government suspended the sale of church lands and disbanded the national militia.

Thus, the fourth bourgeois revolution in Spain of 1854 - 1856 was not brought to a victorious conclusion. Like the previous ones (first: 1808-1814; second: 1820-1823; third: 1834-1843), the fourth bourgeois revolution also suffered defeat. But it also marked a significant step forward: the Spanish working class took an active part in it, during which republican slogans were put forward for the first time. The economic weakness of the Spanish bourgeoisie, its political disunity and disorganization, inability to bring the revolution to completion and capitulation to reaction became the main reason for the defeat of the revolution. The workers were not yet in a position to lead the political struggle for power. As for the peasantry and urban lower classes, at that time they were even less ready for purposeful, organized revolutionary actions. All their speeches were spontaneous in nature and were aimed not at solving the fundamental problems of reorganizing the country, but at achieving local and limited concessions.

The fourth bourgeois revolution in Spain of 1854–1856 ended in a compromise between the nobility and the big bourgeoisie. The bourgeoisie was able to significantly increase their land holdings by robbing the peasant community. The deterioration of the situation of the peasants led to an increase in peasant uprisings. In 1857, General Narvaez brutally suppressed a peasant uprising in Andalusia, executing ninety-eight (98) people. Another was a new peasant uprising in Andalusia in June 1861, led by the Republicans. About ten thousand Andalusian peasants tried to seize and divide the estates of the latifundists. The government mercilessly suppressed peasant revolts.

The compromise between the nobility and the big bourgeoisie was reflected in political life. The 1845 Constitution was retained. After the revolution of 1854-1856, two political blocs emerged: the Conservatives and the Liberal Union. The Conservatives, led by the reactionary General Narvaez, represented the large landowners and nobles. The liberal union relied on the support of the bourgeois nobility and the top of the bourgeoisie. Its leader was General O'Donnell. In 1856 - 1868, the government of the liberal O'Donnell was in power three times and was replaced three times by the government of the reactionary general Narvaez. Alternately replacing each other in power, the liberal O'Donnell and the extreme reactionary Narvaez kept Spain in their hands, preventing a new revolution.

Political struggle in 1856 - 1868. Shortly after the suppression of the fourth revolution, Queen Isabella II dismissed the leader of the Liberal Union, General O'Donnell (the head of the bloc of the big bourgeoisie and the bourgeoisified liberal nobility). The cabinet of General Narvaez was brought back to power. He immediately returned to his dictatorial policies: he repealed the laws issued during the revolution of 1854-1856, appointed clerics to leadership positions, and subjected liberals to repression. But Narvaez failed to completely turn the country’s development towards reaction. By brutally suppressing a peasant revolt in Andalusia in 1857 and executing ninety-eight people in the process, Narváez caused an unprecedented wave of indignation that swept away his cabinet. The liberal O'Donnell returned to power, having pursued an active policy in the interests of the big bourgeoisie for four years. Maneuvering between the “right” and the “left,” O’Donnell suppressed, on the one hand, the republican uprising in Olivensa (province of Badajoz) and the peasant uprising in Loja (province of Granada), and on the other, the Carlist rebellion in the Balearic Islands.

In an effort to expand the Spanish colonial empire, O'Donnell organized an expedition to Cochin China (Indo-China), achieved the return of part of the island of Santo Domingo to Spain, started a war in Morocco, and took part in the Mexican adventure of Napoleon III. It marked the beginning of a long series of Spanish-Moroccan wars. Expensive expeditions and widespread corruption led Spain into a severe financial crisis. Finding themselves unable to overcome this crisis and cope with the growing republican and labor movements, O'Donnell's cabinet resigned in 1863.

By the mid-1860s, Spanish society was gripped by indignation at the scandalous lifestyle of Queen Isabella II, the dominance and tyranny of her camarilla (entourage), and the anti-popular policies of successive generals Narvaez and O'Donnell. The Progressive Party was led by the energetic and radical General Juan Prim, who put forward the slogan of the overthrow of Isabella II and the next cabinet of General Narvaez.

This call of the Progressives Party was supported by the newly created Republican Party, led by the famous lawyer and writer Francisco Pi y Margal and Emilio Castelar, a history professor at the University of Madrid. Castelar made a bold statement that the lands seized by the kings (part of which Queen Isabella II sold for large sums of money) were public property, and the queen had no right to sell them. In response, the enraged Isabella II ordered the rector of the University of Madrid to immediately dismiss the famous professor Emilio Castelar. The rector refused to obey the queen's angry order, and was dismissed along with Professor Castelar. Then university students rose up, unwilling to come to terms with the royal tyranny, and mass student protest demonstrations began. Dictator Narvaez sent armed guards against the students, who opened fire. There were killed and wounded among the students. The municipality of Madrid expressed strong protest against the massacre of students who defended their respected rector and beloved professor. In response, Narváez dissolved the Madrid Metropolitan Municipality.

The situation in Spain has become extremely tense. Isabella II's attempt to again hide behind the liberal O'Donnell was unsuccessful; neither the progressives with the new leader Juan Prim, nor the Republicans wanted to recognize O'Donnell's cabinet and continued their boycott tactics. Representatives of the intelligentsia openly expressed their indignation at the crimes of the camarilla. General Juan Prim led military uprisings several times. Convinced that the liberal O'Donnell was no longer able to save the situation, Queen Isabella II called Narvaez to power for the fifth time, who attempted to prevent the impending revolution with merciless terror. Narvaez dissolved the parliament (Cortes), local governments and political parties, closed all opposition newspapers, arrested and exiled hundreds of liberal oppositionists. But the unbridled terror of General Narvaez accelerated the start of a new revolution. So, Narvaez’s terror did not delay, but brought closer the new, fifth, bourgeois revolution in Spain. The progressive development of capitalism increased the political influence of the bourgeoisie in the country, which more and more decisively laid claim to power. By the end of 1866 - beginning of 1867, a bloc of bourgeois parties had formed, which included the Liberal Union, “progressives,” and republican groups. The leaders of the bloc relied on a military coup, the violent overthrow of Queen Isabella II. There were two and a half million farm laborers in the country. The living conditions of Spanish workers in the middle of the 19th century were not easy: the working day lasted fourteen to sixteen (14–16) hours, In their opinion, this was the only way to stop the degradation of Spain.

Opponents of Queen Isabella II and General Narvaez decided to raise an armed uprising. Its preparation was entrusted to the junta headed by General Juan Prim. General Juan Prim, who emigrated to neighboring Belgium, led a revolutionary junta from there, which was tasked with raising an uprising. Illegal newspapers began to circulate in Spain, calling for the overthrow of the rotten anti-people regime. In September 1868, a revolt of military sailors broke out in the fleet, which was based in K dise.

The Treaty of Utrech in 1713 transferred the Spanish throne to the representative of the Bourbon dynasty, Philip V, while prohibiting the unification of France and Spain under the rule of one monarch; declared Gibraltar and the port of Mahon on the island of Minorca British possessions; transferred part of Tuscany, Milan, Naples, Sardinia and the Spanish Netherlands to Austria, and Sicily to Savoy.

Despite territorial losses and continued wars with Great Britain on the side of France (1739-1748, 1762-1763, 1779-1783), there were some improvements in Spain. The restoration of destroyed fortresses began, shipyards and arsenals were built, and military schools were opened. The economy began to develop due to the introduction of protectionist duties on the import of textile goods and the encouragement of the creation of public and private manufactories. Tax collection was streamlined. Most developed in economically The provinces became Catalonia, Asturias, and the Basque Country.

The expulsion of the Jesuit order with the complete confiscation of the wealth it had accumulated over a long time also had a significant impact. The concordat signed in 1753 consolidated the political success of Spain: the Pope recognized the right of the Spanish monarch to fill most church positions and agreed that papal bulls become valid in the country only after their approval by the king.

In the 18th century, a liberal movement arose in the country, statesmen new generation, highly educated nobles who shared liberal beliefs: G. de Jovellanos (1744-1811), X. Floridablanca (1728-1808), P. Campomanes (1723-1803) and others.

In 1793, Spain went to war with the French Republic, in which it was defeated. The Treaty of Basel in 1795 obliged Spain to enter into a military alliance with France and cede to it part of the island of Santa Domingo (Haiti). During the coalition with Napoleonic France, the country entered the war against Britain's ally, Portugal. Under the terms of the peace treaty in Badajoz, Portugal ceded part of the territory in the southeast to Spain, including the strategically important fortress of Olivenço, and closed its ports to British ships; the Portuguese king fled to Brazil. After Admiral G. Nelson's victory over the Franco-Spanish squadron in 1805 at Trafalgar, Great Britain regained control over Portugal.

In 1807, Napoleon declared war on Portugal and, with the assistance of Spain, occupied it. The presence of French troops on Spanish territory for no apparent reason, palace intrigues, contradictions between Charles IV and the heir to the throne Ferdinand, dissatisfaction of the prince's associates with the all-powerful favorite and first minister M. Godoy - all this became the reason for the palace coup. In 1808, Charles IV had to sign an abdication in favor of his son. Having learned about this, Napoleon ordered not to recognize Ferdinand VII as king, declared the Spanish throne vacant and ordered the entry of French troops into Madrid. By his order, the royal family was gathered in the French city of Bayonne on the border with Spain. Napoleon forced Ferdinand to renounce the throne in favor of his father, Charles IV signed an act transferring the throne to the French emperor, who in turn gave it to his brother Joseph.

The people of Madrid tried to prevent Ferdinand from leaving for Bayonne. An uprising broke out in the capital, brutally suppressed by the French garrison. However, anti-French sentiment caused a chain reaction of armed uprisings throughout the country, the main demands of which were the return of King Ferdinand VII and the rest of the royal family, as well as the convening of the Cortes. The highest nobility and nobility joined the anti-French militia forces. In the fall of 1808, the Central Junta of representatives of the nobility gathered, creating a unified command of the armed forces of Spain. Napoleon himself arrived in Spain and took command of the army. British-Portuguese troops provided assistance to the Spanish regular units. Given the clear superiority of the French, the war with the participation of the Spanish regular army gave way to guerrilla warfare, which became widespread.

The War of Independence resulted in the first revolution in Spanish history (1808-1814). In 1810, it was decided to hold elections to the Cortes. Deputies from the provinces occupied by the French were elected by patriotic residents who fled from the French to Cadiz. The Constitution, approved by the Cortes in 1812, was called Cadiz and was very progressive for its time. The people were proclaimed the bearer of supreme power. The legislative branch of government was represented by unicameral Cortes, elected for two years by men over 25 years of age, excluding domestic servants, bankrupts and criminals. The Cortes had to meet annually for at least three months, with a permanent deputation working during breaks. The king did not have the right to dissolve or convene parliament extraordinarily. Deputies had immunity and could not be elected to the Cortes for two consecutive terms. The executive branch of government was represented by the king and the government. The laws adopted by the Cortes were approved by the king. The sanction of the Cortes was required by the king to declare war and conclude peace, to sign treaties with foreign countries. The highest officials were appointed by the king from among the candidates proposed by the Cortes. The judiciary was declared independent. Government officials could not be deputies, and deputies had no right to accept honors or awards from the executive branch.

The Cortes issued decrees on the liquidation of the Inquisition, the abolition of feudal taxes in favor of the church, closed a number of monasteries, abolished the slave trade, provided residents of the American colonies with equal rights to the Spaniards, and more.

With the outbreak of Napoleon I's war against Russia, Spain became an ally of the Russian Empire. Taking advantage of the failures of the French troops in Russia, the Spaniards, with the support of the British, inflicted a number of defeats on Napoleonic troops. In November 1813, Spanish-British troops pursuing the French entered French territory.

Returning to Spain, Ferdinand VII refused to swear allegiance to the Cortes. In 1814, having gathered supporters of the restoration of the absolute monarchy, he published a decree dissolving the Cortes and a manifesto abrogating the constitution.

The overseas colonies took advantage of Spain's weakening to start a war of independence. Due to the Napoleonic Wars and the occupation of Spain by the French, trade between the colonies and the mother country virtually ceased. At the same time, influential forces appeared within the colonies, striving for separation from Spain. Despite the crown's attempts to retain American possessions, Spain had lost its colonies in the New World by 1826. Cuba, the Philippines, Puerto Rico and Guam were lost in 1898 as a result of defeat in the war with the United States.

In the field of political and socio-economic development, the 19th century turned out to be extremely difficult for Spain - the country was going through a period of transformation and adaptation to new realities in the context of the irretrievable loss of its former power in Europe and beyond. Under these conditions, the three main institutions that embody national unity - the crown, the church and the army - fought over the choice of paths for the country's development. Significant events of this struggle were four bourgeois revolutions during the 19th century (in total, Spain experienced 5 revolutions in the 19th century).

The Second Spanish Revolution (1820-1823), which began with an armed uprising in Cadiz under the leadership of R. Riego y Nunez, achieved from Ferdinand VII the restoration of the Cadiz Constitution. A number of reforms have been carried out in the country. However, by decision of the Verona Congress of European Powers of the Holy Alliance, measures were taken to combat the Spanish Revolution: in 1823, as a result of the armed intervention of France, the previous order was restored, and the royal manifesto annulled all laws and decrees issued in Spain from March 1820 to October 1823 .

In the 1830s it appeared new threat regime - the group of the king's brother Don Carlos (Carlists). Ferdinand VII, who had no sons, proclaimed his daughter Isabella as his heir, thereby abolishing the law on the transfer of the throne exclusively through the male line. Spain was rocked by a dynastic war (the first Carlist war, 1833-1840), which resulted in the third revolution (1834-1843). The dynastic war took on the character of a struggle between conservative and liberal-minded political forces.

In the first quarter of the 18th century, most of the fueros of Catalonia and a number of other regions of the country (Valencia, Aragon, Balearic Islands), which supported the Austrian pretender to the Spanish throne during the War of the Spanish Succession against the French Prince Philip V of Bourbon, were eliminated. In the Basque provinces, attempts to eliminate local liberties in the interests of an absolute monarchy began in the 18th century and continued in the 19th century until the abolition of fueros in 1876. Resistance to violent methods of centralization here acquired the character of an armed struggle: in the 19th century, the provinces supported the Carlists - supporters of the brother Ferdinand VII, who defended his rights to the throne against the widow of Ferdinand and her daughter Isabella and put forward the slogan of protecting the medieval fueros.

Yielding to the liberals, Ferdinand VII's widow Maria Christina, regent for the minor Isabella, granted the country the Royal Statute of 1834, which created bicameral Cortes (the upper house was appointed by the monarch, and the lower house had the right to dissolve at any time), the right to vote was limited by a high property qualification. However, this was not enough: uprisings took place throughout the country demanding the restoration of the Cadiz Constitution and social reforms, and revolutionary provincial juntas arose again. The Constitution of 1837, being a compromise between the Cadiz Constitution and the Royal Statute of 1834, was a victory for moderate forces, guided by the political models of Great Britain, France and Belgium. The electoral qualification for elections to the lower house was significantly reduced; deputies were elected by direct vote at the rate of two deputies per 50 thousand inhabitants. The Senate was appointed by the king from among the persons represented to him by the electoral colleges; its composition changed by a third with each new election. The king retained the right to veto, convene, postpone and dissolve the Cortes, but if the Cortes were not convened by the head of state before December 1, they could assemble independently.

Isabella II, who ascended the throne in 1843, showed herself to be a supporter of the old order. Ineffective and dubious methods of governance caused a military coup (pronunciamiento) in the summer of 1854, which resulted in the fourth revolution of 1854-1856. The queen was forced to appoint General B. Espartero, the leader of the progressives, participant in the war of independence, commander of the Carlist war, former first minister and regent of the kingdom during the previous revolution, as head of the government. A new liberal constitution was developed and adopted by the Cortes, and a decision was made to sell off lands that belonged to the church and the state (“demortization”). However, in the competition between supporters (progressives led by Espatero) and opponents (liberals led by Secretary of War O'Donnell) of deepening reforms, the latter won. The uprisings of the national militia were suppressed and pre-revolutionary order was restored.

Despite economic progress in the second half of the 19th century, Spain continued to remain a backward country. This was especially felt in agriculture. “Demortization” led to some redistribution of land property, but in general the agrarian question remained unresolved.

The fifth revolution in Spain covers the period 1868-1874. It began with a mutiny in the fleet led by Admiral Topete. The rebellion was supported by part of the army led by Marshal Serrano, General Prim and others, as well as by the population of large cities (led by Republicans and Democrats). Troops loyal to Queen Isabella II were defeated and she fled the country. The provisional government was headed by Serrano. In 1869, a new constitution was adopted that guaranteed broad political rights and freedoms. At the same time, the monarchy remained in Spain: in 1870, the son of the Italian king Victor Emmanuel III, Amadeus of Savoy, ascended the throne.

Transformations in the political sphere did not stop the growth of instability against the backdrop of increased protests by supporters of the republic, Carlists, and supporters of the deposed Isabella II.

As a result, Amadeus of Savoy abdicated the throne in February 1873, and the Cortes voted to establish a republican system in the country. The left-wing republican F. Pi-i-Margal was elected to the post of chairman of the government of the First Republic, proposing a program of social transformation. At the same time, a draft constitution was developed, according to which Spain was declared a federal republic with some autonomy for the historical regions. However, the opponents of Pi-i-Margal - the “irreconcilables” and the Bakuninists - advocated a confederation (the country was supposed to be divided into small independent cantons). The country was again engulfed in uprisings. Pi-i-Margal resigned. At the beginning of January 1874, a military coup was organized led by General Pavia and Marshal Serrano, and at the end of 1874, during a new coup, the son of Isabella II, Alfonso XII, was proclaimed king of Spain.

The restoration of the monarchy opened a new period in the political history of Spain. The constitution adopted after the end of the Second Carlist War in 1876, being a compromise between the constitutions of 1845 and 1869, enshrined the basic principles of the established Restoration regime. Spain was proclaimed a hereditary constitutional monarchy. Legislative power belonged to the king and the bicameral Cortes. At the same time, restrictions on the right to vote (property qualifications) were introduced. Broad powers of the executive branch were secured.

After the Restoration, two major political parties emerged - conservatives and liberals, which replaced each other in power, while the liberals played the role of a loyal opposition. Over the years, the difference between conservatives and liberals became smaller and smaller, and parties split into warring factions. The electoral system was characterized by the tradition of the so-called “caciquism”, when in areas (primarily rural) the decisive political figure became the local large landowner - the head of the district, who was called “cacique” (this was the name given to the leaders of Indian tribes in Spanish America, who had unlimited power and bound by any laws). It was he who was responsible for the political reliability of residents, contributed to the desired result of parliamentary elections, and appointed the head of local government. Conservatives and liberals alike used methods to rig elections.

Opponents of the monarchy were weakened by splits and repression. Peasant protests continued, including terrorist ones (“Black Hand”, 1883). Since the middle of the 19th century, the influence of anarchists has spread in the labor movement in Spain, one of whose methods was terror. Marxists founded the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) in 1879. In 1888, the country's first trade union was created - the General Union of Workers (GTU), adjacent to the PSOE. In Spain, two directions in the labor movement began to develop in parallel: in Catalonia, Andalusia and Aragon, the influence of anarchists predominated, in Madrid, Asturias, and the Basque Country - the influence of socialists.

In the last quarter of the 19th century, the movement for autonomy in Catalonia and the Basque Country intensified. Despite the centralization of the state, under the conditions of the industrial revolution, the increasing unevenness of economic development (agrarian conservative center and advanced industrial “periphery”) turned into a factor of disintegration. The rise of regionalist movements is an expression of the conflict between the center and the periphery.

In Catalonia in 1892, a congress of representatives of the Catalan bourgeoisie and intelligentsia met, at which the program of the regionalist movement was adopted, which in 1901 became the basis of the political platform of the Regionalist League party. The regionalist movement in the Basque Country took other forms. The development of heavy and mining industry in a region dominated for centuries by a closed rural community with a clan-based social structure, and the huge influx of migrants from other provinces of the country (mainly from central Spain) to work in the iron ore mines of Vizcaya caused an explosion of nationalist sentiment in Basque society. Unlike Catalonia, where successful entrepreneurs, lawyers, and representatives of noble families emerged as ideologists and political leaders of the regionalist movement, and the rise of nationalist sentiment was accompanied by the revival of the Catalan language and literature, in the Basque Country the nationalist ideology from the very beginning acquired a militant character, its features became conservatism, and sometimes reactionary, a tendency towards isolationism, which was determined by the history of this region.