Nicholas II - biography, information, personal life. Foreign Policy and the Russo-Japanese War. Despite big and terrible mistakes, the system that was embodied in Him, which He led, to which He gave a vital spark by His personal properties.

Emperor Nicholas II with his family on the imperial yacht Shtandart. Photo taken in 1907.

This myth is a subtle tool in the struggle against Nicholas II. On the one hand, a certain concession is made - the real exemplary family qualities of the king are recognized, on the other hand, the main message is carried - he was a bad ruler. This example is as old as the world - yield in small things in order to achieve more. It's a typical Gambit. Family values ​​are certainly important, but the king was first and foremost a ruler - the fate of 180 million subjects depended on him. Tens of millions of other families! He is first and foremost a politician, and then everything else. And it is in this center that the main blow is dealt.

As confirmation of the “weakness” and “nearness” of the tsar, Witte is usually cited, who at the end of his life becomes an open enemy of the tsar. What do you think, an objective source?

In addition to assessments of political rivals of Nicholas II, there are other assessments of his personality:

Vladimir Gurko Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Internal Affairs 1906-1907:

“This is my will,” was the phrase that repeatedly flew from his lips and should, in his opinion, stop all objections to the assumption he had made.

Lieutenant General Mikhail Konstantinovich Diterichs:

“The sovereign was a smart, educated and very well-read man. He had an enormous memory, especially for names, and was an extremely interesting conversationalist. He knew history well and loved serious historical books. About the attitude and feelings of the Sovereign towards Russia - it is impossible to express them in words that he loved Russia. Russia for him was almost the same as the Christian faith; just as he could not renounce the Christian faith, so he could not tear himself away from Russia.

Izvolsky A.P. Minister of Foreign Affairs:

Was Nicholas II a naturally gifted and intelligent person? I do not hesitate to answer this question in the affirmative. I have always been struck by the ease with which he caught the slightest nuance in the arguments presented to him, as well as the clarity with which he expressed his own thoughts.

But political will must be judged, of course, not by words, but by deeds.

• Nicholas II provided Russia with the fastest rates of industrial growth in the world. Contrary to existing myths, the revolution set Russia back, not led to industrial prosperity:

The graph was compiled on the basis of a combination of data from leading experts who studied the problem of industrial development: Kafengauz, Suhara, Goldsmith, Fisher, Markevich.

• Nicholas II ensured internal economic stability for Russia. (For some reason, the reforms of Nicholas II on the gold backing of the ruble are attributed exclusively to Witte, although Witte himself admitted: “I repeat again that Russia owes its metallic gold circulation exclusively to Emperor Nicholas II.” And this is despite Witte's hatred of Nicholas II.)
• Nicholas II for the first time in the history of Russia made education free and mass
• Nicholas II achieved the creation of free and affordable medicine
• Nicholas II showed toughness and determination in the suppression of the revolution of 1905
• Nicholas II, as the commander of the army in the World War, achieved the actual defeat of Germany by 1917. Interesting are the memoirs of Churchill - at that time the Minister of War of England - “In March the Tsar was on the throne; The Russian Empire and the Russian army held out, the front was secured and victory is indisputable... The superficial fashion of our time interprets the tsarist regime as a blind, corrupted, inept tyranny. But a review of thirty months of his struggle with Germany and Austria should have corrected these vague ideas.
• Nicholas II took drastic measures during the revolution of 1917 - tens of thousands of soldiers from the front were thrown into the rebellious city. This act can only be compared with Ivan the Terrible's campaign against Novgorod. The failure of this initiative is due to the betrayal of the generals. The very fact of overthrow is not at all a sign of weakness. Nicholas II in 1917 repeated the path of Julius Caesar - he also accepted betrayal from his own subjects. A person who goes alone against all will be overthrown in any case - the only question is whether he is worthy or not. Nicholas II in 1917 went almost alone against everyone for truth and legality and was overthrown, but this fact only adds heroism to his personality.

The affairs of Nicholas II do not give grounds to speak of him as a bad and weak ruler.

As for family qualities, it is indisputable, Nicholas II was an exemplary family man. This is recognized even by his enemies.

Briefly about the circumstances and documents of the so-called "renunciation"

Briefly about the origins of the myth. An objective assessment of Nicholas II as a ruler.

Briefly about the causes of the war and about the aggressor - Germany. Analysis of the myth of defeat.

Briefly about the aggressor - Japan. Assessment of the results of the war.

Assessment of the development of medicine and education in the Empire and in the USSR. Comparisons.

Brief analysis of the myth of deadly famines in the Empire. Comparison with the USSR.

Comparison of the rates of industrial and agricultural growth of the Empire and the USSR

Nicholas II Nikolai Alexandrovich Romanov
Coronation:
Predecessor:	Alexander III
Successor:	Mikhail Alexandrovich (did not take the throne)
Heir:
Religion:	Orthodoxy
Birth:
Buried:	Secretly buried presumably in the forest near the village of Koptyaki, Sverdlovsk region, in 1998 the alleged remains were reburied in the Peter and Paul Cathedral
Dynasty:	Romanovs
	Alexander III
	Maria Fedorovna
	Alisa Gessenskaya (Alexandra Feodorovna)
	Daughters: Olga, Tatiana, Maria and Anastasia Son: Alexey
Autograph:
Monogram:

Names, titles, nicknames

First steps and coronation

Economic policy

Revolution of 1905-1907

Nicholas II and the Duma

Land reform

Military administration reform

World War I

Probing the world

Fall of the monarchy

Lifestyle, habits, hobbies

Russian

Foreign

After death

Assessment in Russian emigration

Official assessment in the USSR

church veneration

Filmography

Movie incarnations

Nicholas II Alexandrovich(May 6 (18), 1868, Tsarskoye Selo - July 17, 1918, Yekaterinburg) - the last Emperor of All Russia, Tsar of Poland and Grand Duke Finnish (October 20 (November 1), 1894 - March 2 (March 15), 1917). From the Romanov dynasty. Colonel (1892); in addition, from the British monarchs he had the ranks: Admiral of the Fleet (May 28, 1908) and Field Marshal of the British Army (December 18, 1915).

The reign of Nicholas II was marked economic development Russia and at the same time - the growth in it of socio-political contradictions, the revolutionary movement, which resulted in the revolution of 1905-1907 and the revolution of 1917; in foreign policy - expansion in the Far East, the war with Japan, as well as Russia's participation in the military blocs of European powers and the First World War.

Nicholas II abdicated during the February Revolution of 1917 and was under house arrest with his family in the Tsarskoye Selo Palace. In the summer of 1917, by decision of the Provisional Government, he was sent into exile with his family to Tobolsk, and in the spring of 1918 he was moved by the Bolsheviks to Yekaterinburg, where he was shot with his family and close associates in July 1918.

Canonized by the Russian Orthodox Church as a martyr in 2000.

Names, titles, nicknames

Titled from birth His Imperial Highness (Sovereign) Grand Duke Nikolai Alexandrovich. After the death of his grandfather, Emperor Alexander II, on March 1, 1881, he received the title of Tsarevich's heir.

The full title of Nicholas II as emperor: “By God's speeding mercy, Nicholas II, Emperor and Autocrat of All Russia, Moscow, Kyiv, Vladimir, Novgorod; Tsar of Kazan, Tsar of Astrakhan, Tsar of Poland, Tsar of Siberia, Tsar of Tauric Chersonese, Tsar of Georgia; Sovereign of Pskov and Grand Duke of Smolensk, Lithuanian, Volyn, Podolsk and Finland; Prince of Estonia, Livonia, Courland and Semigalsky, Samogitsky, Belostoksky, Korelsky, Tversky, Yugorsky, Permsky, Vyatsky, Bulgarian and others; Sovereign and Grand Duke of Novgorod Nizovsky lands?, Chernigov, Ryazan, Polotsk, Rostov, Yaroslavl, Belozersky, Udorsky, Obdorsky, Kondia, Vitebsk, Mstislav and all northern countries? Lord; and Sovereign of Iversky, Kartalinsky and Kabardian lands? and regions of Armenia; Cherkasy and Mountain Princes and other Hereditary Sovereign and Possessor, Sovereign of Turkestan; Heir of Norway, Duke of Schleswig-Holstein, Stormarn, Ditmarsen and Oldenburg and others, and others, and others.

After the February Revolution, it became known as Nikolai Alexandrovich Romanov(previously, the surname "Romanov" was not indicated by members of the imperial house; titles indicated belonging to the family: Grand Duke, Emperor, Empress, Tsarevich, etc.).

In connection with the events on Khodynka and on January 9, 1905, he was nicknamed "Nikolai the Bloody" by the radical opposition; with such a nickname appeared in Soviet popular historiography. His wife privately called him "Nicky" (communication between them was mostly in English).

The Caucasian highlanders, who served in the Caucasian native cavalry division of the imperial army, called Sovereign Nicholas II "White Padishah", thereby showing their respect and devotion to the Russian emperor.

Childhood, education and upbringing

Nicholas II is the eldest son of Emperor Alexander III and Empress Maria Feodorovna. Immediately upon birth, on May 6, 1868, he was named Nicholas. The baptism of the baby was performed by the confessor of the imperial family, Protopresbyter Vasily Bazhanov, in the Resurrection Church of the Grand Tsarskoye Selo Palace on May 20 of the same year; godparents were: Alexander II, Queen Louise of Denmark, Crown Prince Friedrich of Denmark, Grand Duchess Elena Pavlovna.

In early childhood, the tutor of Nikolai and his brothers was the Englishman Karl Osipovich His, who lived in Russia ( Charles Heath, 1826-1900); General G. G. Danilovich was appointed his official tutor as heir in 1877. Nikolai was educated at home as part of a large gymnasium course; in 1885-1890 - according to a specially written program that connected the course of the state and economic departments of the law faculty of the university with the course of the Academy of the General Staff. The training sessions were conducted for 13 years: the first eight years were devoted to the subjects of the extended gymnasium course, where Special attention devoted to the study of political history, Russian literature, English, German and French(Nicholas Alexandrovich spoke English like a native); the next five years were devoted to the study of military affairs, legal and economic sciences, necessary for a statesman. Lectures were given by world-famous scientists: N. N. Beketov, N. N. Obruchev, Ts. A. Cui, M. I. Dragomirov, N. Kh. Bunge, K. P. Pobedonostsev and others. Protopresbyter John Yanyshev taught the crown prince canon law in connection with the history of the church, the main departments of theology and the history of religion.

On May 6, 1884, upon reaching the age of majority (for the Heir), he took the oath in the Great Church of the Winter Palace, which was announced by the Supreme Manifesto. The first act published on his behalf was a rescript addressed to the Moscow Governor-General V.A.

For the first two years, Nikolai served as a junior officer in the ranks of the Preobrazhensky Regiment. For two summer seasons, he served in the ranks of the cavalry hussars as a squadron commander, and then camped in the ranks of the artillery. On August 6, 1892, he was promoted to colonel. At the same time, his father introduces him to the affairs of the country, inviting him to participate in meetings of the State Council and the Cabinet of Ministers. At the suggestion of the Minister of Railways S.Yu. Witte, in 1892 Nikolai was appointed chairman of the committee for the construction of the Trans-Siberian Railway to gain experience in public affairs. By the age of 23, the Heir was a man who received extensive information in various fields of knowledge.

The education program included trips to various provinces of Russia, which he made with his father. To complete his education, his father put at his disposal a cruiser for a trip to Far East. For nine months, he and his retinue visited Austria-Hungary, Greece, Egypt, India, China, Japan, and later returned by land through all of Siberia to the capital of Russia. In Japan, an assassination attempt was made on Nicholas (see the Otsu Incident). A shirt with blood stains is stored in the Hermitage.

The opposition politician, member of the State Duma of the first convocation, V. P. Obninsky, in his anti-monarchist essay “The Last Autocrat”, argued that Nikolai “at one time stubbornly renounced the throne”, but was forced to yield to the demand of Alexander III and “sign during the life of his father a manifesto on his accession to the throne."

Accession to the throne and beginning of reign

First steps and coronation

A few days after the death of Alexander III (October 20, 1894) and his accession to the throne (the Supreme Manifesto was published on October 21; on the same day the oath was taken by dignitaries, officials, courtiers and troops), November 14, 1894 in the Great Church of the Winter Palace was married to Alexandra Fedorovna; the honeymoon passed in the atmosphere of requiems and mourning visits.

One of the first personnel decisions of Emperor Nicholas II was the dismissal in December 1894 of the conflict I.V. Gurko from the post of Governor-General of the Kingdom of Poland and the appointment in February 1895 to the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs A.B. Lobanov-Rostovsky - after the death of N.K. Gears.

As a result of the exchange of notes dated February 27 (March 11), 1895, “the delimitation of the spheres of influence of Russia and Great Britain in the Pamirs region, to the east of Lake Zor-Kul (Victoria)”, along the Pyanj River, was established; The Pamir volost became part of the Osh district of the Fergana region; The Wakhan Range on Russian maps was designated Ridge of Emperor Nicholas II. The first major international act of the emperor was the Triple Intervention - simultaneous (April 11 (23), 1895), at the initiative of the Russian Foreign Ministry, the presentation (together with Germany and France) of demands for Japan to revise the terms of the Shimonoseki peace treaty with China, renouncing claims to the Liaodong Peninsula .

The first public speech of the emperor in St. Petersburg was his speech delivered on January 17, 1895 in the Nicholas Hall of the Winter Palace before deputations of the nobility, zemstvos and cities who arrived "to express loyal feelings to Their Majesties and bring congratulations on the Marriage"; the delivered text of the speech (the speech was written in advance, but the emperor delivered it only from time to time looking at the paper) read: “I know that in recent times voices of people were heard in some zemstvo meetings, carried away by senseless dreams about the participation of zemstvo representatives in the affairs internal management. Let everyone know that I, devoting all My strength to the good of the people, will guard the beginning of autocracy as firmly and unswervingly as My unforgettable, late Parent guarded it. In connection with the tsar’s speech, Chief Prosecutor K. P. Pobedonostsev wrote to Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich on February 2 of the same year: “After the speech of the Sovereign, excitement continues with chatter of all kinds. I don’t hear her, but they tell me that everywhere among the youth and the intelligentsia there are rumors with some kind of irritation against the young Sovereign. Maria Al came to see me yesterday. Meshcherskaya (ur. Panin), who came here for a short time from the village. She is indignant at all the speeches she hears about this in the living rooms. On the other hand, the words of the Sovereign made a beneficial impression on ordinary people and on the villages. Many deputies, coming here, expected God knows what, and, having heard, breathed freely. But how sad that ridiculous irritation is happening in the upper circles. I am sure, unfortunately, that most of the members of the state. The Council is critical of the act of the Sovereign and, alas, some ministers too! God knows what? was in the minds of people until this day, and what expectations have grown ... True, they gave a reason for this ... Many straight Russian people were positively baffled by the awards announced on January 1st. It turned out that the new Sovereign from the first step distinguished those whom the deceased considered dangerous. All this inspires fear for the future. In the early 1910s, V.P. Obninsky, a representative of the left wing of the Cadets, wrote about the tsar’s speech in his anti-monarchist essay: “They assured that the word “unrealizable” was in the text. But be that as it may, it served as the beginning not only of a general cooling towards Nicholas, but also laid the foundation for the future liberation movement, rallying the Zemstvo leaders and instilling in them a more decisive course of action. The performance of January 17, 95 can be considered the first step of Nicholas on an inclined plane, along which he continues to roll until now, descending lower and lower in the opinion of both his subjects and the entire civilized world. The historian S. S. Oldenburg wrote about the speech on January 17: “Russian educated society, for the most part, accepted this speech as a challenge to itself. The speech on January 17 dispelled the hopes of the intelligentsia for the possibility of constitutional reforms from above. In this regard, it served as the starting point for a new growth of revolutionary agitation, for which funds began to be found again.

The coronation of the emperor and his wife took place on May 14 (26), 1896 ( about the victims of the coronation celebrations in Moscow, see Khodynka's article). In the same year, the All-Russian Industrial and Art Exhibition was held in Nizhny Novgorod, which he visited.

In April 1896, the Russian government formally recognized the Bulgarian government of Prince Ferdinand. In 1896, Nicholas II also made a big trip to Europe, meeting with Franz Joseph, Wilhelm II, Queen Victoria (grandmother of Alexandra Feodorovna); the end of the trip was his arrival in the capital of allied France, Paris. By the time of his arrival in Britain in September 1896, there was a sharp aggravation of relations between London and Porte, formally associated with the massacre of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire, and the simultaneous rapprochement of St. Petersburg with Constantinople; guest? with Queen Victoria in Balmoral, Nicholas, agreeing to the joint development of a reform project in the Ottoman Empire, rejected the proposals made to him by the British government to remove Sultan Abdul-Hamid, keep Egypt for England, and in return receive some concessions on the issue of the Straits. Arriving in Paris in early October of the same year, Nicholas approved joint instructions to the ambassadors of Russia and France in Constantinople (which the Russian government had categorically refused until that time), approved the French proposals on the Egyptian question (which included "guarantees of the neutralization of the Suez Canal" - the goal, which was previously outlined for Russian diplomacy by the Minister of Foreign Affairs Lobanov-Rostovsky, who died on August 30, 1896). The Paris agreements of the tsar, who was accompanied on the trip by N. P. Shishkin, provoked sharp objections from Sergei Witte, Lamzdorf, Ambassador Nelidov and others; nevertheless, by the end of the same year, Russian diplomacy returned to its previous course: strengthening the alliance with France, pragmatic cooperation with Germany on certain issues, freezing the Eastern Question (that is, supporting the Sultan and opposition to England's plans in Egypt). From the plan approved at the meeting of ministers on December 5, 1896, chaired by the tsar, it was decided to abandon the plan for the landing of Russian troops on the Bosphorus (under a certain scenario). During 1897, 3 heads of state arrived in St. Petersburg to pay a visit to the Russian emperor: Franz Joseph, Wilhelm II, French President Felix Faure; during the visit of Franz Joseph between Russia and Austria, an agreement was concluded for 10 years.

The Manifesto of February 3 (15), 1899 on the order of legislation in the Grand Duchy of Finland was perceived by the population of the Grand Duchy as an infringement on its autonomy rights and caused mass discontent and protests

The manifesto of June 28, 1899 (published on June 30) announced the death of the same June 28 "Heir to the Tsarevich and Grand Duke George Alexandrovich" (the oath to the latter, as heir to the throne, was taken earlier along with the oath to Nicholas) and read further: "From now on, until The Lord is not yet pleased to bless Us with the birth of a Son, the nearest right of succession to the All-Russian Throne, on the exact basis of the main State Law on Succession to the Throne, belongs to Our Most Beloved Brother, Our Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. The absence in the Manifesto of the words “Heir Tsesarevich” in the title of Mikhail Alexandrovich aroused bewilderment in court circles, which prompted the emperor to issue on July 7 of the same year the Nominal Supreme Decree, which commanded to call the latter “Sovereign Heir and Grand Duke”.

Economic policy

According to the first general census conducted in January 1897, the population Russian Empire amounted to 125 million people; of these, 84 million were native to Russian; literate among the population of Russia was 21%, among persons aged 10-19 years - 34%.

In January of the same year, a monetary reform was carried out, which established the gold standard for the ruble. The transition to the gold ruble, among other things, was a devaluation national currency: on the imperials of the previous weight and sample, now “15 rubles” was listed - instead of 10; nevertheless, the stabilization of the ruble at the rate of "two-thirds", contrary to forecasts, was successful and without shocks.

Much attention was paid to the labor issue. Free labor was introduced in factories with more than 100 workers. health care, covering 70 percent of the total number of factory workers (1898). In June 1903, the Rules on the Remuneration of Victims of Industrial Accidents were approved by the Highest, obliging the entrepreneur to pay benefits and pensions to the victim or his family in the amount of 50-66 percent of the victim's maintenance. In 1906, workers' trade unions were created in the country. The law of June 23, 1912 introduced compulsory insurance of workers against illness and accidents in Russia. On June 2, 1897, a law on the limitation of working hours was issued, which established the maximum working day limit of no more than 11.5 hours on ordinary days, and 10 hours on Saturdays and pre-holiday days, or if at least part of the working day fell at night.

A special tax on landowners of Polish origin in the Western Territory, imposed as a punishment for the Polish uprising of 1863, was abolished. By decree of June 12, 1900, exile to Siberia was abolished as a punishment.

The reign of Nicholas II was a period of relatively high rates of economic growth: in 1885-1913, the growth rate of agricultural production averaged 2%, and the growth rate of industrial production was 4.5-5% per year. Coal mining in the Donbass increased from 4.8 million tons in 1894 to 24 million tons in 1913. Coal mining began in the Kuznetsk coal basin. Oil production developed in the vicinity of Baku, Grozny and on Emba.

The construction of railways continued, the total length of which, which was 44 thousand km in 1898, by 1913 exceeded 70 thousand km. In terms of the total length of railways, Russia surpassed any other European country and was second only to the United States. In terms of output of the main types of industrial products per capita, Russia in 1913 was a neighbor of Spain.

Foreign policy and the Russo-Japanese War

The historian Oldenburg, being in exile, argued in his apologetic work that back in 1895 the emperor foresaw the possibility of a clash with Japan for dominance in the Far East, and therefore prepared for this fight - both diplomatically and militarily. From the resolution of the tsar on April 2, 1895, on the report of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, his desire for the further expansion of Russia in the South-East (Korea) was clear.

On June 3, 1896, a Russian-Chinese treaty on a military alliance against Japan was concluded in Moscow; China agreed to the construction of a railway through Northern Manchuria to Vladivostok, the construction and operation of which was provided to the Russian-Chinese Bank. On September 8, 1896, a concession agreement was signed between the Chinese government and the Russian-Chinese Bank for the construction of the Chinese Eastern Railway (CER). On March 15 (27), 1898, Russia and China in Beijing signed the Russo-Chinese Convention of 1898, according to which the ports of Port Arthur (Lushun) and Dalny (Dalian) with adjacent territories and body of water; in addition, the Chinese government agreed to extend the concession granted by it to the CER Society for the construction of a railway line (South Manchurian Railway) from one of the CER points to Dalniy and Port Arthur.

In 1898, Nicholas II turned to the governments of Europe with proposals to sign agreements on maintaining universal peace and setting limits on the constant growth of armaments. In 1899 and 1907, the Hague Peace Conferences were held, some decisions of which are still valid today (in particular, the Permanent Court of Arbitration was created in The Hague).

In 1900, Nicholas II sent Russian troops to suppress the Ihetuan uprising together with the troops of other European powers, Japan and the United States.

The lease of the Liaodong Peninsula by Russia, the construction of the Chinese Eastern Railway and the establishment of a naval base in Port Arthur, the growing influence of Russia in Manchuria clashed with the aspirations of Japan, which also laid claim to Manchuria.

On January 24, 1904, the Japanese ambassador presented the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs V. N. Lamzdorf with a note announcing the termination of negotiations, which Japan considered "useless", the severance of diplomatic relations with Russia; Japan withdrew its diplomatic mission from St. Petersburg and reserved the right to resort to "independent actions" to protect its interests, as it saw fit. On the evening of January 26, the Japanese fleet attacked the Port Arthur squadron without declaring war. The highest manifesto, given by Nicholas II on January 27, 1904, declared war on Japan.

The border battle on the Yalu River was followed by battles near Liaoyang, on the Shahe River and near Sandepa. After a major battle in February - March 1905, the Russian army left Mukden.

The outcome of the war was decided by the naval battle of Tsushima in May 1905, which ended in the complete defeat of the Russian fleet. On May 23, 1905, the emperor received, through the US ambassador in St. Petersburg, President T. Roosevelt's proposal for mediation to conclude peace. The difficult situation of the Russian government after the Russo-Japanese War prompted German diplomacy to make another attempt in July 1905 to tear Russia away from France and conclude a Russian-German alliance: Wilhelm II invited Nicholas II to meet in July 1905 in the Finnish skerries, near the island of Björke. Nikolai agreed, and at the meeting he signed the contract; returning to St. Petersburg, he abandoned it, since on August 23 (September 5), 1905, in Portsmouth, Russian representatives S. Yu. Witte and R. R. Rosen signed a peace treaty. Under the terms of the latter, Russia recognized Korea as a sphere of influence of Japan, ceded to Japan South Sakhalin and the rights to the Liaodong Peninsula with the cities of Port Arthur and Dalniy.

The American researcher of the era T. Dennett in 1925 stated: “Few people now believe that Japan was deprived of the fruits of the upcoming victories. The opposite opinion prevails. Many believe that Japan was already exhausted by the end of May, and that only the conclusion of peace saved her from collapse or complete defeat in a clash with Russia.

Defeat in the Russo-Japanese War (the first in half a century) and the subsequent suppression of the Troubles of 1905-1907. (subsequently aggravated by the appearance at the court of Rasputin) led to a fall in the authority of the emperor in the ruling and intellectual circles.

The German journalist G. Ganz, who lived in St. Petersburg during the war, noted the defeatist position of a significant part of the nobility and intelligentsia in relation to the war: “The common secret prayer not only of liberals, but also of many moderate conservatives at that time was:“ God help us to be defeated. ".

Revolution of 1905-1907

With the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese War, Nicholas II made some concessions to liberal circles: after the assassination of the Minister of Internal Affairs V.K. On December 12, 1904, the Supreme Decree was given to the Senate “On the plans for the improvement of the State order”, promising the expansion of the rights of zemstvos, insurance of workers, the emancipation of foreigners and non-believers, and the elimination of censorship. When discussing the text of the Decree of December 12, 1904, he, however, privately said to Count Witte (according to the latter’s memoirs): “I will never, in any case, agree to a representative form of government, because I consider it harmful to the people entrusted to me by God. »

On January 6, 1905 (the feast of Epiphany), during the blessing of water on the Jordan (on the ice of the Neva), in front of the Winter Palace, in the presence of the emperor and members of his family, at the very beginning of the singing of the troparion, a gunshot rang out, in which accidentally (according to the official version ) there was a charge of buckshot after the exercises on January 4. Most of the bullets hit the ice next to the royal pavilion and into the facade of the palace, in 4 windows of which glass was broken. In connection with the incident, the editor of the synodal publication wrote that “it is impossible not to see something special” in the fact that only one policeman named “Romanov” was mortally wounded and the flagpole of the “nursery of our ill-fated fleet” was shot through - the banner of the naval corps .

On January 9 (old style), 1905, in St. Petersburg, on the initiative of priest Georgy Gapon, a procession of workers to the Winter Palace took place. The workers went to the tsar with a petition containing socio-economic, as well as some political, demands. The procession was dispersed by the troops, there were casualties. The events of that day in St. Petersburg entered Russian historiography as " Bloody Sunday”, the victims of which, according to the study of V. Nevsky, were no more than 100-200 people (according to updated government data, as of January 10, 1905, 96 people died in the riots and 333 people were injured, which includes a certain number of law enforcement officers). On February 4, Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich, who professed extreme right-wing political views and had a certain influence on his nephew, was killed by a terrorist bomb in the Moscow Kremlin.

On April 17, 1905, a decree “On strengthening the principles of religious tolerance” was issued, which abolished a number of religious restrictions, in particular with regard to “schismatics” (Old Believers).

Strikes continued in the country; unrest began on the outskirts of the empire: in Courland, the Forest Brothers began to massacre local German landlords, and the Armenian-Tatar massacre began in the Caucasus. Revolutionaries and separatists received support in money and weapons from England and Japan. So, in the summer of 1905, the English steamer John Grafton, which had run aground, carrying several thousand rifles for Finnish separatists and revolutionary militants, was detained in the Baltic Sea. There were several uprisings in the fleet and in various cities. The largest was the December uprising in Moscow. At the same time, the Socialist-Revolutionary and anarchist individual terror gained a large scope. In just a couple of years, thousands of officials, officers and policemen were killed by revolutionaries - in 1906 alone, 768 were killed and 820 representatives and agents of power were wounded. The second half of 1905 was marked by numerous unrest in universities and theological seminaries: due to the riots, almost 50 secondary theological educational institutions were closed. The adoption on August 27 of a provisional law on the autonomy of universities caused a general strike of students and stirred up teachers at universities and theological academies. The opposition parties took advantage of the expansion of freedoms to intensify attacks on the autocracy in the press.

On August 6, 1905, a manifesto was signed on the establishment of the State Duma (“as a legislative institution, which is provided with preliminary development and discussion of legislative proposals and consideration of the list of state revenues and expenditures” - the Bulygin Duma), the law on the State Duma and the regulation on elections to the Duma. But the revolution, which was gaining strength, stepped over the acts of August 6: in October, an all-Russian political strike began, more than 2 million people went on strike. On the evening of October 17, Nikolai, after psychologically difficult hesitation, decided to sign a manifesto, commanding, among other things: “1. To grant the population the unshakable foundations of civil freedom on the basis of real inviolability of the individual, freedom of conscience, speech, assembly and association. 3. Establish as an unshakable rule that no law could take effect without the approval of the State Duma, and that those elected from the people be provided with the opportunity to really participate in supervising the regularity of the actions of the authorities appointed by us. On April 23, 1906, the Basic State Laws of the Russian Empire were approved, providing for a new role for the Duma in the legislative process. From the point of view of the liberal public, the Manifesto marked the end of the Russian autocracy as the unlimited power of the monarch.

Three weeks after the manifesto, political prisoners were pardoned, except for those convicted of terrorism; The decree of November 24, 1905 abolished preliminary both general and spiritual censorship for time-based (periodical) publications published in the cities of the empire (April 26, 1906, all censorship was abolished).

After the publication of the manifestos, the strikes subsided; military establishment(except for the fleet, where unrest took place) remained faithful to the oath; an extreme right-wing monarchist public organization, the Union of the Russian People, arose and was secretly supported by Nicholas.

During the revolution, in 1906, Konstantin Balmont wrote the poem "Our Tsar", dedicated to Nicholas II, which turned out to be prophetic:

Our King is Mukden, our King is Tsushima,
Our King is a bloodstain
The stench of gunpowder and smoke
In which the mind is dark. Our Tsar is blind squalor,
Prison and whip, jurisdiction, execution,
Tsar hangman, the low twice,
What he promised, but did not dare to give. He's a coward, he feels stuttering
But it will be, the hour of reckoning awaits.
Who began to reign - Khodynka,
He will finish - standing on the scaffold.

Decade between two revolutions

Milestones of domestic and foreign policy

On August 18 (31), 1907, an agreement was signed with Great Britain on the delimitation of spheres of influence in China, Afghanistan and Persia, which on the whole completed the process of forming an alliance of 3 powers - the Triple Entente, known as the Entente ( Triple Entente); however, mutual military obligations at that time existed only between Russia and France - under the agreement of 1891 and the military convention of 1892. On May 27 - 28, 1908 (O.S.), the meeting of the British King Edward VIII with the king took place on the roadstead in the harbor of Reval; The Tsar received from the King the uniform of an Admiral of the British Navy. The Revel meeting of the monarchs was interpreted in Berlin as a step towards the formation of an anti-German coalition - despite the fact that Nicholas was a staunch opponent of rapprochement with England against Germany. The agreement (Potsdam Agreement) concluded between Russia and Germany on August 6 (19), 1911 did not change the general vector of Russia's and Germany's involvement in opposing military-political alliances.

On June 17, 1910, the law on the procedure for issuing laws relating to the Principality of Finland, approved by the State Council and the State Duma, was approved by the Highest, known as the law on the procedure for general imperial legislation (see Russification of Finland).

The Russian contingent, which had been in Persia since 1909 due to the unstable political situation, was reinforced in 1911.

In 1912, Mongolia became a de facto protectorate of Russia, having gained independence from China as a result of the revolution that took place there. After this revolution in 1912-1913, the Tuvan noyons (ambyn-noyon Kombu-Dorzhu, Chamzy Khamby-lama, noyon of Daa-khoshun Buyan-Badyrgy and others) several times turned to the tsarist government with a request to accept Tuva under the protectorate of the Russian Empire. On April 4 (17), 1914, by a resolution on the report of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, a Russian protectorate was established over the Uryankhai region: the region was included in the Yenisei province with the transfer of political and diplomatic affairs in Tuva to the Irkutsk Governor-General.

The beginning of military operations of the Balkan Union against Turkey in the autumn of 1912 marked the collapse of the diplomatic efforts undertaken after the Bosnian crisis by the Minister of Foreign Affairs S. D. Sazonov in the direction of an alliance with the Port and at the same time keeping the Balkan states under their control: contrary to the expectations of the Russian government, the troops of the latter successfully pushed Turks and in November 1912 the Bulgarian army was 45 km from the Ottoman capital of Constantinople (see Chataldzha battle). After the actual transfer of the Turkish army under the German command (German General Liman von Sanders at the end of 1913 took over as chief inspector of the Turkish army), the question of the inevitability of war with Germany was raised in Sazonov's note to the emperor dated December 23, 1913; Sazonov's note was also discussed at a meeting of the Council of Ministers.

In 1913, a wide celebration of the 300th anniversary of the Romanov dynasty took place: the imperial family made a trip to Moscow, from there to Vladimir, Nizhny Novgorod, and then along the Volga to Kostroma, where on March 14, 1613, the first tsar from the Romanovs was called to the kingdom - Mikhail Fedorovich; in January 1914, a solemn consecration of the Fedorovsky Cathedral in St. Petersburg, erected to commemorate the anniversary of the dynasty, took place.

Nicholas II and the Duma

The first two State Dumas were unable to conduct regular legislative work: the contradictions between the deputies, on the one hand, and the emperor, on the other, were insurmountable. So, immediately after the opening, in a response address to the throne speech of Nicholas II, the left Duma members demanded the liquidation of the State Council (the upper house of parliament), the transfer of monastery and state lands to the peasants. On May 19, 1906, 104 deputies of the Labor Group put forward a draft land reform (draft 104), the content of which was reduced to the confiscation of landed estates and the nationalization of all land.

The Duma of the first convocation was dissolved by the Emperor by a Personal Decree to the Senate of July 8 (21), 1906 (published on Sunday, July 9), which set the time for the convocation of the newly elected Duma on February 20, 1907; the subsequent Supreme Manifesto of July 9 explained the reasons, among which was: “The elected from the population, instead of working to build a legislative one, deviated into an area that did not belong to them and turned to investigating the actions of local authorities appointed by Us, to pointing out to Us the imperfections of the Basic Laws, changes of which can be undertaken only by Our Monarch's will, and to actions that are clearly illegal, as an appeal on behalf of the Duma to the population. By decree of July 10 of the same year, the sessions of the State Council were suspended.

Simultaneously with the dissolution of the Duma, instead of I. L. Goremykin, P. A. Stolypin was appointed to the post of chairman of the Council of Ministers. Stolypin's agrarian policy, the successful suppression of unrest, and his bright speeches in the Second Duma made him the idol of some of the right.

The second Duma turned out to be even more leftist than the first, since the Social Democrats and Socialist-Revolutionaries, who boycotted the first Duma, participated in the elections. The idea was ripening in the government to dissolve the Duma and change the electoral law; Stolypin was not going to destroy the Duma, but to change the composition of the Duma. The reason for the dissolution was the actions of the Social Democrats: on May 5, the police discovered a meeting of 35 Social Democrats and about 30 soldiers of the St. Petersburg garrison in the apartment of a Duma member from the RSDLP Ozol; in addition, the police found various propaganda materials calling for the violent overthrow of the state system, various orders from soldiers of military units and false passports. On June 1, Stolypin and the chairman of the St. Petersburg Court of Justice demanded from the Duma that the entire composition of the Social Democratic faction be removed from Duma meetings and that the immunity of 16 members of the RSDLP be lifted. The Duma did not agree to the government's demand; The result of the confrontation was the manifesto of Nicholas II on the dissolution of the Second Duma, published on June 3, 1907, together with the Regulations on elections to the Duma, that is, the new electoral law. The manifesto also indicated the date for the opening of the new Duma - November 1 of the same year. The act of June 3, 1907 in Soviet historiography was called " coup d'état”, as it conflicted with the manifesto of October 17, 1905, according to which no new law could be adopted without the approval of the State Duma.

According to General A. A. Mosolov, Nicholas II looked at the members of the Duma not as representatives of the people, but as “just intellectuals” and added that his attitude towards the peasant delegations was completely different: “The Tsar met with them willingly and talked for a long time , without fatigue, joyfully and affably.

Land reform

From 1902 to 1905, both statesmen and Russian scientists were involved in the development of new agrarian legislation at the state level: Vl. I. Gurko, S. Yu. Witte, I. L. Goremykin, A. V. Krivoshein, P. A. Stolypin, P. P. Migulin, N. N. Kutler, and A. A. Kaufman. The question of the abolition of the community was raised by life itself. At the height of the revolution, N. N. Kutler even proposed a project for the alienation of part of the landowners' lands. From January 1, 1907, the law on the free exit of peasants from the community (Stolypin agrarian reform) began to be practically applied. Giving peasants the right to freely dispose of their land and the abolition of communities was of great national importance, but the reform was not completed, and could not be completed, the peasant did not become the owner of land throughout the country, the peasants left the community en masse and returned back. And Stolypin sought to allocate land to some peasants at the expense of others and, above all, to preserve landownership, which blocked the way to free farming. It was only a partial solution to the problem.

In 1913, Russia (excluding the Vistula provinces) was in first place in the world in the production of rye, barley and oats, third (after Canada and the USA) in wheat production, fourth (after France, Germany and Austria-Hungary) in the production of potatoes. Russia became the main exporter of agricultural products, accounting for 2/5 of the total world export of agricultural products. Grain yield was 3 times lower than English or German, potato yield was 2 times lower.

Military administration reform

The military transformations of 1905-1912 were carried out after the defeat of Russia in the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905, which revealed serious shortcomings in the central administration, organization, recruitment system, combat training and technical equipment of the army.

During the first period of military reforms (1905-1908), the highest military administration was decentralized (the Main Directorate of the General Staff was established independent of the Military Ministry, the Council of State Defense was created, the inspector generals were directly subordinate to the emperor), the terms of active service were reduced (in the infantry and field artillery from 5 to 3 years old, in other branches of the military from 5 to 4 years old, in the Navy from 7 to 5 years old), rejuvenated officers; the life of soldiers and sailors has been improved (food and clothing allowances) and financial situation officers and overtime employees.

During the second period of the Military Reforms (1909-1912), the centralization of the higher administration was carried out (the Main Directorate of the General Staff was included in the Military Ministry, the Council of State Defense was abolished, inspector generals were subordinate to the Minister of War); at the expense of the militarily weak reserve and fortress troops, the field troops were strengthened (the number of army corps increased from 31 to 37), a reserve was created at the field units, which, during mobilization, was allocated for the deployment of secondary ones (including field artillery, engineering and railway troops, communications units) , machine-gun teams were created in the regiments and corps squadrons, cadet schools were transformed into military schools that received new programs, new charters and instructions were introduced. In 1910, the Imperial Air Force was created.

World War I

On July 19 (August 1), 1914, Germany declared war on Russia: Russia entered the world war, which ended for her with the collapse of the empire and dynasty.

On July 20, 1914, the emperor issued and by the evening of the same day published the War Manifesto, as well as the Nominal Supreme Decree, in which he, “not recognizing it possible, for reasons of a national nature, now become the head of Our land and sea forces intended for hostilities", commanded the Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich to be the Supreme Commander-in-Chief.

By decrees of July 24, 1914, classes of the State Council and the Duma were interrupted from July 26. On July 26, a manifesto was issued on the war with Austria. On the same day, the Highest Reception of the members of the State Council and the Duma took place: the emperor arrived at the Winter Palace on a yacht together with Nikolai Nikolayevich and, entering the Nikolaevsky Hall, addressed the audience with the following words: “Germany, and then Austria declared war on Russia. That huge upsurge of patriotic feelings of love for the Motherland and devotion to the Throne, which, like a hurricane, swept through our entire land, serves in My eyes and, I think, in yours as a guarantee that Our great Mother Russia will bring the war sent by the Lord God to the desired end. I am sure that all of you and everyone in their place will help Me endure the test sent down to Me and that everyone, starting with Me, will fulfill their duty to the end. Great is the God of the Russian Land! In conclusion of his response speech, the Chairman of the Duma, Chamberlain M. V. Rodzianko, said: “Without a difference of opinions, views and convictions, the State Duma, on behalf of the Russian Land, calmly and firmly says to its Tsar: “Go for it, Sovereign, the Russian people are with you and, firmly trusting by the grace of God, will not stop at any sacrifice until the enemy is defeated and the dignity of the Motherland is protected.“”

By a manifesto of October 20 (November 2), 1914, Russia declared war on the Ottoman Empire: “In the hitherto unsuccessful struggle with Russia, trying by all means to increase their forces, Germany and Austria-Hungary resorted to the help of the Ottoman government and involved Turkey, blinded by them, into the war with us. . The Turkish fleet led by the Germans dared to treacherously attack Our Black Sea coast. Immediately after this, We ordered the Russian ambassador in Tsaregrad, with all the ranks of the embassy and consular, to leave the borders of Turkey. Together with the entire Russian people, We firmly believe that the current reckless intervention of Turkey in hostilities will only hasten the course of events fatal to her and open the way for Russia to solve the historical tasks bequeathed to her by her ancestors on the shores of the Black Sea. The government press organ reported that on October 21, “the day of the Ascension to the Throne of the Sovereign Emperor took in Tiflis, in connection with the war with Turkey, the character national holiday»; on the same day, the deputation of 100 prominent Armenians, headed by the bishop, was received by the Viceroy: the deputation “asked the count to cast down at the feet of the Great Russia feelings of boundless devotion and ardent love of the loyal Armenian people”; then a deputation of Sunni and Shia Muslims introduced themselves.

During the period of command of Nikolai Nikolaevich, the tsar went to Headquarters several times for meetings with the command (September 21 - 23, October 22 - 24, November 18 - 20); in November 1914 he also traveled to the south of Russia and the Caucasian front.

At the beginning of June 1915, the situation on the fronts deteriorated sharply: Przemysl, a fortified city, was surrendered, captured in March with huge losses. Lvov was abandoned at the end of June. All military acquisitions were lost, the loss of the Russian Empire's own territory began. In July, Warsaw, all of Poland and part of Lithuania were surrendered; the enemy continued to advance. There was talk in society about the inability of the government to cope with the situation.

Both on the part of public organizations, the State Duma, and on the part of other groups, even many grand dukes, they started talking about creating a "ministry of public trust."

At the beginning of 1915, the troops at the front began to experience a great need for weapons and ammunition. The need for a complete restructuring of the economy in accordance with the requirements of the war became clear. On August 17, Nicholas II approved documents on the formation of four special meetings: on defense, fuel, food and transportation. These meetings, which consisted of representatives of the government, private industrialists, the State Duma and the State Council and were headed by the relevant ministers, were supposed to unite the efforts of the government, private industry and the public in mobilizing industry for military needs. The most important of these was the Special Defense Conference.

Along with the creation of special conferences, military-industrial committees began to arise in 1915 - public organizations bourgeoisie, who were semi-oppositional in nature.

On August 23, 1915, motivating his decision by the need to establish agreement between the Headquarters and the government, to put an end to the separation of the power at the head of the army from the power that controls the country, Nicholas II assumed the title of Supreme Commander, dismissing from this post the Grand Duke, popular in the army Nikolai Nikolaevich. According to a member of the State Council (monarchist by conviction) Vladimir Gurko, the emperor's decision was made at the instigation of Rasputin's "gang" and disapproved of the vast majority of members of the Council of Ministers, the generals and the public.

Due to the constant relocations of Nicholas II from Headquarters to Petrograd, as well as insufficient attention to issues of command and control of the troops, the actual command of the Russian army was concentrated in the hands of his chief of staff, General M.V. Alekseev, and General Vasily Gurko, who replaced him in late 1916 - early 1917. The autumn draft of 1916 put 13 million people under arms, and the losses in the war exceeded 2 million.

In 1916, Nicholas II replaced four chairmen of the Council of Ministers (I. L. Goremykin, B. V. Shturmer, A. F. Trepov and Prince N. D. Golitsyn), four ministers of internal affairs (A. N. Khvostov, B. V. Shtyurmer, A. A. Khvostov and A. D. Protopopov), three Ministers of Foreign Affairs (S. D. Sazonov, B. V. Shtyurmer and N. N. Pokrovsky), two Ministers of War (A. A. Polivanov, D.S. Shuvaev) and three Ministers of Justice (A.A. Khvostov, A.A. Makarov and N.A. Dobrovolsky).

On January 19 (February 1), 1917, a meeting of high-ranking representatives of the Allied Powers opened in Petrograd, which went down in history as the Petrograd Conference ( q.v.): from the allies of Russia, it was attended by delegates from Great Britain, France and Italy, who also visited Moscow and the front, had meetings with politicians of different political orientations, with leaders of the Duma factions; the latter unanimously spoke to the head of the British delegation about the imminent revolution - either from below or from above (in the form of a palace coup).

Acceptance by Nicholas II of the Supreme Command of the Russian Army

The reassessment by Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolayevich of his abilities resulted in a number of major military mistakes, and attempts to deflect the relevant accusations from himself led to inflated Germanophobia and spy mania. One of these most significant episodes was the case of Lieutenant Colonel Myasoedov, which ended with the execution of the innocent, where Nikolai Nikolayevich played first violin along with A. I. Guchkov. The front commander, due to the disagreement of the judges, did not approve the verdict, but Myasoedov’s fate was decided by the resolution of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolayevich: “Hang anyway!” This case, in which the Grand Duke played the first role, led to an increase in the clearly oriented suspicion of society and played its role, including in the May 1915 German pogrom in Moscow. Military historian A. A. Kersnovsky states that by the summer of 1915 “a military catastrophe was approaching Russia,” and it was this threat that became the main reason for the Highest decision to remove the Grand Duke from the post of Commander-in-Chief.

General M. V. Alekseev, who arrived at Headquarters in September 1914, was also “struck by the turmoil reigning there, confusion and despondency. Both, Nikolai Nikolayevich and Yanushkevich, were confused by the failures of the North-Western Front and do not know what to do.

Failures at the front continued: on July 22, Warsaw and Kovno were surrendered, the fortifications of Brest were blown up, the Germans were approaching the Western Dvina, and the evacuation of Riga was begun. In such conditions, Nicholas II decided to remove the Grand Duke who could not cope and himself to stand at the head of the Russian army. According to the military historian A. A. Kersnovsky, such a decision of the emperor was the only way out:

On August 23, 1915, Nicholas II assumed the title of Supreme Commander-in-Chief, replacing Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolayevich, who was appointed commander of the Caucasian Front. M. V. Alekseev was appointed chief of staff of the headquarters of the Supreme Commander. Soon, the state of General Alekseev changed dramatically: the general cheered up, his anxiety and complete confusion disappeared. The general on duty at Headquarters, P.K. Kondzerovsky, even thought that good news had come from the front, which made the chief of staff cheer up, but the reason was different: the new Supreme Commander received a report from Alekseev on the situation at the front and gave him certain instructions; a telegram was sent to the front that "now not a step back." The breakthrough of Vilna-Molodechno was ordered to be liquidated by the troops of General Evert. Alekseev was busy carrying out the order of the Sovereign:

Meanwhile, Nikolai's decision caused a mixed reaction, given that all the ministers opposed this step and in favor of which only his wife unconditionally spoke. Minister A. V. Krivoshein said:

The soldiers of the Russian army met the decision of Nicholas to take the post of Supreme Commander without enthusiasm. At the same time, the German command was satisfied with the departure of Prince Nikolai Nikolaevich from the post of supreme commander in chief - they considered him a tough and skillful opponent. A number of his strategic ideas were praised by Erich Ludendorff as eminently bold and brilliant.

The result of this decision of Nicholas II was colossal. During the Sventsyansky breakthrough on September 8 - October 2, the German troops were defeated, and their offensive was stopped. The parties switched to a positional war: the brilliant Russian counterattacks that followed in the Vilna-Molodechno region and the events that followed made it possible, after a successful September operation, no longer fearing an enemy offensive, to prepare for a new stage of the war. All over Russia, work was in full swing on the formation and training of new troops. The industry at an accelerated pace produced ammunition and military equipment. Such work became possible due to the emerging confidence that the enemy's offensive was stopped. By the spring of 1917, new armies had been raised, better supplied with equipment and ammunition than at any time before in the entire war.

The autumn draft of 1916 put 13 million people under arms, and the losses in the war exceeded 2 million.

In 1916, Nicholas II replaced four chairmen of the Council of Ministers (I. L. Goremykin, B. V. Shtyurmer, A. F. Trepov and Prince N. D. Golitsyn), four ministers of the interior (A. N. Khvostov, B. V. Shtyurmer, A. A. Khvostov and A. D. Protopopov), three Ministers of Foreign Affairs (S. D. Sazonov, B. V. Shtyurmer and N. N. Pokrovsky), two Ministers of War (A. A. Polivanov, D.S. Shuvaev) and three Ministers of Justice (A.A. Khvostov, A.A. Makarov and N.A. Dobrovolsky).

By January 1, 1917, there were changes in the State Council. Nicholas expelled 17 members and appointed new ones.

On January 19 (February 1), 1917, a meeting of high-ranking representatives of the allied powers opened in Petrograd, which went down in history as the Petrograd Conference (q.v.): from the allies of Russia, it was attended by delegates from Great Britain, France and Italy, who also visited Moscow and the front, had meetings with politicians of different political orientations, with the leaders of the Duma factions; the latter unanimously spoke to the head of the British delegation about the imminent revolution - either from below or from above (in the form of a palace coup).

Probing the world

Nicholas II, hoping for an improvement in the situation in the country in the event of the success of the spring offensive of 1917 (which was agreed upon at the Petrograd Conference), was not going to conclude a separate peace with the enemy - he saw the most important means of consolidating the throne in the victorious end of the war. Hints that Russia might start negotiations for a separate peace were a diplomatic game that forced the Entente to recognize the need for Russian control over the Straits.

Fall of the monarchy

The rise of revolutionary sentiment

The war, during which there was a broad mobilization of the able-bodied male population, horses and a massive requisition of livestock and agricultural products, had a detrimental effect on the economy, especially in the countryside. In the environment of the politicized Petrograd society, the government was discredited by scandals (in particular, those related to the influence of G. E. Rasputin and his henchmen - “ dark forces"") and suspicions of treason; Nicholas' declarative adherence to the idea of ​​"autocratic" power came into sharp conflict with the liberal and leftist aspirations of a significant part of the Duma members and society.

General A. I. Denikin testified about the mood in the army after the revolution: “As for the attitude to the throne, then, as a general phenomenon, in the officer corps there was a desire to distinguish the person of the sovereign from the court filth that surrounded him, from the political mistakes and crimes of the royal government, which clearly and steadily led to the destruction of the country and the defeat of the army. They forgave the sovereign, they tried to justify him. As we will see below, by 1917 even this attitude in a certain part of the officer corps had shaken, causing the phenomenon that Prince Volkonsky called the "revolution from the right", but already on purely political grounds.

Since December 1916, a "coup" in one form or another was expected in the court and political environment, the possible abdication of the emperor in favor of Tsarevich Alexei under the regency of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich.

On February 23, 1917, a strike began in Petrograd; after 3 days it became universal. On the morning of February 27, 1917, the soldiers of the Petrograd garrison rebelled and joined the strikers; Only the police counteracted the rebellion and unrest. A similar uprising took place in Moscow. Empress Alexandra Feodorovna, not realizing the seriousness of what was happening, wrote to her husband on February 25: “This is a“ hooligan ”movement, young men and girls run around screaming that they have no bread, and the workers do not let others work. It would be very cold, they would probably stay at home. But all this will pass and calm down if only the Duma behaves decently.

On February 25, 1917, by decree of Nicholas II, the meetings of the State Duma were terminated from February 26 to April of the same year, which further aggravated the situation. Chairman of the State Duma M. V. Rodzianko sent a number of telegrams to the emperor about the events in Petrograd. Telegram received at Headquarters on February 26, 1917 at 22:40: “I most humbly inform Your Majesty that the popular unrest that began in Petrograd is taking on a spontaneous character and menacing proportions. Their foundations are the lack of baked bread and the weak supply of flour, inspiring panic, but mainly complete distrust of the authorities, unable to lead the country out of a difficult situation. In a telegram on February 27, 1917, he reported: “The civil war has begun and is flaring up. Command the cancellation of your Highest Decree to convene legislative chambers again. If the movement is transferred to the army, the collapse of Russia, and with it the dynasty, is inevitable.

The Duma, which then had high authority in a revolutionary-minded environment, did not obey the decree of February 25 and continued to work in the so-called private meetings of members of the State Duma, convened on the evening of February 27 by the Provisional Committee of the State Duma. The latter assumed the role of a body of supreme power immediately after its formation.

Renunciation

On the evening of February 25, 1917, Nikolai ordered General S.S. Khabalov by telegram to stop the unrest by military force. Having sent General N. I. Ivanov to Petrograd on February 27 to suppress the uprising, Nicholas II departed for Tsarskoye Selo on the evening of February 28, but could not get through and, having lost contact with Headquarters, arrived in Pskov on March 1, where the headquarters of the armies of the Northern Front of General N V. Ruzsky. At about 3 p.m. on March 2, he decided to abdicate in favor of his son under the regency of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, in the evening of the same day he announced to the arrivals A. I. Guchkov and V. V. Shulgin about the decision to abdicate for his son.

On March 2 (15) at 11:40 p.m. (in the document, the time of signing was indicated as 3 p.m.), Nikolai handed over to Guchkov and Shulgin the Manifesto of renunciation, which, in particular, read: “We command OUR Brother to rule the affairs of the state in full and indestructible unity with representatives of the people in legislative institutions, on the basis that they will establish, taking an inviolable oath to that. ".

Some researchers question the authenticity of the manifesto (renunciation).

Guchkov and Shulgin also demanded that Nicholas II sign two decrees: on the appointment of Prince G. E. Lvov as head of government and Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolayevich as supreme commander; the former emperor signed decrees, indicating in them the time of 14 hours.

General A.I. Denikin stated in his memoirs that on March 3, in Mogilev, Nikolai told General Alekseev:

On March 4, a moderately right-wing Moscow newspaper reported the words of the emperor to Tuchkov and Shulgin in this way: “I thought it all over,” he said, “and decided to abdicate. But I renounce not in favor of my son, since I must leave Russia, since I leave supreme power. To leave my son, whom I love very much, in Russia, to leave him in complete obscurity, I in no way consider it possible. That is why I decided to transfer the throne to my brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich.”

Link and execution

From March 9 to August 14, 1917, Nikolai Romanov and his family lived under arrest in the Alexander Palace of Tsarskoye Selo.

At the end of March, the Minister of the Provisional Government, P. N. Milyukov, tried to send Nicholas and his family to England, in the care of George V, to which the preliminary consent of the British side was obtained; but in April, due to the unstable internal political situation in England itself, the King chose to abandon such a plan - according to some evidence, against the advice of Prime Minister Lloyd George. However, in 2006, some documents became known that, until May 1918, the MI 1 unit of the British military intelligence agency carried out preparations for the operation to rescue the Romanovs, which was never brought to the stage of practical implementation.

In view of the strengthening of the revolutionary movement and anarchy in Petrograd, the Provisional Government, fearing for the lives of the prisoners, decided to transfer them deep into Russia, to Tobolsk; they were allowed to take the necessary furniture, personal belongings from the palace, and also to invite the attendants, if they wish, to voluntarily accompany them to the place of new accommodation and further service. On the eve of his departure, the head of the Provisional Government A.F. Kerensky arrived and brought with him the brother of the former emperor, Mikhail Alexandrovich (Mikhail Alexandrovich was exiled to Perm, where on the night of June 13, 1918 he was killed by local Bolshevik authorities).

On August 14, 1917, at 6:10 a.m., a train with members of the imperial family and servants under the sign "Japanese Mission of the Red Cross" set off from Tsarskoye Selo. On August 17, the train arrived in Tyumen, then the arrested were transported by river to Tobolsk. The Romanov family settled in the governor's house specially renovated for their arrival. The family was allowed to walk across the street and the boulevard to worship at the Church of the Annunciation. The security regime here was much lighter than in Tsarskoye Selo. The family led a calm, measured life.

In early April 1918, the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee (VTsIK) authorized the transfer of the Romanovs to Moscow for the purpose of holding a trial against them. At the end of April 1918, the prisoners were transferred to Yekaterinburg, where a house belonging to mining engineer N.N. was requisitioned to accommodate the Romanovs. Ipatiev. Here, five people of the attendants lived with them: the doctor Botkin, the lackey Trupp, the room girl Demidova, the cook Kharitonov and the cook Sednev.

In early July 1918, the Ural military commissar F.I. Goloshchekin went to Moscow to receive instructions on future fate royal family, which decided on highest level the Bolshevik leadership (except V.I. Lenin, Ya. M. Sverdlov took an active part in deciding the fate of the former tsar).

On July 12, 1918, the Ural Soviet of Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Deputies, in the conditions of the retreat of the Bolsheviks under the onslaught of the White troops and members loyal to the Committee Constituent Assembly Czechoslovak Corps, adopted a resolution on the execution of the entire family. Nikolai Romanov, Alexandra Fedorovna, their children, Dr. Botkin and three servants (except for the cook Sednev) were shot in the "House special purpose"- Ipatiev's mansion in Yekaterinburg on the night of July 16-17, 1918. Vladimir Solovyov, senior investigator for especially important cases of the General Prosecutor's Office of Russia, who led the investigation of the criminal case into the death of the royal family, came to the conclusion that Lenin and Sverdlov were against the execution of the royal family families, and the execution itself was organized by the Ural Council, where the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries had great influence, in order to disrupt the Brest peace between Soviet Russia and Kaiser's Germany. The Germans after the February Revolution, despite the war with Russia, were worried about the fate of the Russian imperial family, because the wife of Nicholas II, Alexandra Feodorovna, was German, and their daughters were both Russian princesses and German princesses.

Religiosity and a view of their power. Church politics

Former member of the Holy Synod in the pre-revolutionary years, Protopresbyter Georgy Shavelsky (he was in close contact with the emperor at Headquarters during the World War), while in exile, testified to the “humble, simple and direct” religiosity of the tsar, to his rigorous attendance of Sunday and holiday services, about “ generous outpouring of many good deeds for the Church. V. P. Obninsky, an opposition politician of the early 20th century, also wrote about his "sincere piety, manifested at every worship service." General A. A. Mosolov noted: “The Tsar thoughtfully treated his rank of God's anointed. One should have seen with what attention he considered requests for pardon for those sentenced to death. He took from his father, whom he revered and whom he tried to imitate even in everyday trifles, an unshakable faith in the fatefulness of his power. His calling came from God. He was responsible for his actions only before his conscience and the Almighty. The king answered to his conscience and was guided by intuition, instinct, that incomprehensible one, which is now called the subconscious. He bowed only before the elemental, irrational, and sometimes contrary to reason, before the weightless, before his ever-growing mysticism.

Former Deputy Minister of the Interior Vladimir Gurko in his émigré essay (1927) emphasized: “The idea of ​​​​Nicholas II about the limits of the power of the Russian autocrat was at all times wrong. Seeing in himself, first of all, the anointed of God, he considered every decision he made to be lawful and essentially correct. “It is my will,” was the phrase that repeatedly flew from his lips and, in his opinion, was supposed to stop all objections to the assumption he had expressed. Regis voluntas suprema lex esto - this is the formula with which he was penetrated through and through. It was not a belief, it was a religion. Ignoring the law, not recognizing either existing rules or ingrained customs was one of the distinguishing features of the last Russian autocrat. This view of the nature and nature of his power, according to Gurko, also determined the degree of the emperor's goodwill towards his closest employees: any department showed excessive goodwill towards the public, and especially if he did not want and could not recognize the royal power in all cases unlimited. In most cases, the disagreement between the Tsar and his ministers boiled down to the fact that the ministers defended the rule of law, and the Tsar insisted on his omnipotence. As a result, only such ministers as N.A. Maklakov or Stürmer, who agreed to the violation of any laws to preserve ministerial portfolios, remained in the Sovereign's favor.

The beginning of the 20th century in the life of the Russian Church, of which he was the secular head according to the laws of the Russian Empire, was marked by a movement for reforms in church administration, a significant part of the episcopate and some laity advocated the convening of an all-Russian local council and the possible restoration of the patriarchate in Russia; in 1905 there were attempts to restore the autocephaly of the Georgian Church (then the Georgian Exarchate of the Russian Holy Synod).

Nicholas, in principle, agreed with the idea of ​​the Cathedral; but he considered it untimely and in January 1906 he established the Pre-Council Presence, and by the Highest Command of February 28, 1912 - “at the Holy Synod, a permanent, until the convocation of the council, pre-council meeting.”

On March 1, 1916, he ordered that “for the future, the reports of the Ober-Procurator to His Imperial Majesty on matters relating to the internal structure of church life and the essence of church administration should be made in the presence of the leading member of the Holy Synod, for the purpose of their comprehensive canonical coverage,” which was welcomed in the conservative press as "a great act of royal trust"

In his reign, an unprecedented (for the synodal period) large number of canonizations of new saints was accomplished, and he insisted on the canonization of the most famous - Seraphim of Sarov (1903) despite the reluctance of the Chief Procurator of the Synod Pobedonostsev; were also glorified: Theodosius of Chernigov (1896), Isidor Yuryevsky (1898), Anna Kashinskaya (1909), Euphrosyne of Polotsk (1910), Euphrosyn of Sinozersky (1911), Iosaf of Belgorod (1911), Patriarch Hermogenes (1913), Pitirim Tambov (1914) ), John of Tobolsk (1916).

As Grigory Rasputin (who acted through the Empress and hierarchs loyal to him) intensified in synodal affairs in the 1910s, dissatisfaction with the entire synodal system grew among a significant part of the clergy, who, for the most part, reacted positively to the fall of the monarchy in March 1917.

Lifestyle, habits, hobbies

Most of the time, Nicholas II lived with his family in the Alexander Palace (Tsarskoye Selo) or Peterhof. In the summer, he rested in the Crimea in the Livadia Palace. For recreation, he also annually made two-week trips around the Gulf of Finland and the Baltic Sea on the Shtandart yacht. He read both light entertainment literature and serious scientific works, often on historical themes; Russian and foreign newspapers and magazines. Smoked cigarettes.

He was fond of photography, he also liked to watch movies; all his children also took pictures. In the 1900s, he became interested in a then new type of transport - cars (“the tsar had one of the most extensive car parks in Europe”).

The official government press organ in 1913, in an essay on the domestic and family side of the emperor's life, wrote, in particular: “The sovereign does not like the so-called secular pleasures. His favorite entertainment is the hereditary passion of the Russian Tsars - hunting. It is arranged both in the permanent places of the Tsar's stay, and in special places adapted for this - in Spala, near Skiernevitsy, in Belovezhye.

At the age of 9 he began to keep a diary. The archive contains 50 voluminous notebooks - the original diary for 1882-1918; some of them have been published.

Family. Spouse's political influence

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The first conscious meeting of Tsarevich Nicholas with his future wife took place in January 1889 (the second visit of Princess Alice to Russia), when a mutual attraction arose. In the same year, Nikolai asked his father for permission to marry her, but was refused. In August 1890, during Alice's 3rd visit, Nikolai's parents did not allow him to see her; a letter in the same year to the Grand Duchess Elizabeth Feodorovna from the English Queen Victoria, in which the grandmother of a potential bride probed the prospects, also had a negative result. marriage union. However, due to the deteriorating health of Alexander III and the perseverance of the Tsesarevich, on April 8 (O.S.) 1894 in Coburg at the wedding of the Duke of Hesse Ernst-Ludwig (brother of Alice) and Princess Victoria-Melita of Edinburgh (daughter of Duke Alfred and Maria Alexandrovna) their engagement took place, announced in Russia by a simple newspaper notice.

On November 14, 1894, the marriage of Nicholas II with the German princess Alice of Hesse took place, who, after chrismation (performed on October 21, 1894 in Livadia), took the name of Alexandra Feodorovna. In subsequent years, they had four daughters - Olga (November 3, 1895), Tatiana (May 29, 1897), Maria (June 14, 1899) and Anastasia (June 5, 1901). On July 30 (August 12), 1904, the fifth child and only son, Tsarevich Alexei Nikolayevich, appeared in Peterhof.

All correspondence between Alexandra Feodorovna and Nicholas II has been preserved (in English); only one letter from Alexandra Feodorovna has been lost, all her letters are numbered by the empress herself; published in Berlin in 1922.

Senator Vl. I. Gurko attributed the origins of Alexandra's intervention in the affairs of state government to the beginning of 1905, when the tsar was in a particularly difficult political position, - when he began to transmit for her viewing the state acts issued by him; Gurko believed: “If the Sovereign, due to his lack of the necessary internal power, did not possess the authority proper for a ruler, then the Empress, on the contrary, was all woven from authority, which also relied on her inherent arrogance.”

About the role of the empress in the development of the revolutionary situation in Russia in the last years of the monarchy, General A. I. Denikin wrote in his memoirs:

“All sorts of options regarding Rasputin’s influence penetrated the front, and censorship collected enormous material on this subject even in soldiers’ letters from the army in the field. But the most striking impression was made by the fateful word: It refers to the Empress. In the army, loudly, not embarrassed by either place or time, there was talk of the empress' insistent demand for a separate peace, of her betrayal of Field Marshal Kitchener, about whose trip she allegedly informed the Germans, etc. Experiencing the past with memory, given that the impression that the rumor about the betrayal of the Empress made in the army, I believe that this circumstance played huge role in the mood of the army, in relation to both the dynasty and the revolution. General Alekseev, to whom I asked this painful question in the spring of 1917, answered me somehow vaguely and reluctantly: When parsing the papers, the empress found a map with a detailed designation of the troops of the entire front, which was made only in two copies - for me and for the sovereign. This made a depressing impression on me. Few people could use it ... Say no more. Changed the conversation ... History will undoubtedly find out the extremely negative influence that Empress Alexandra Feodorovna had on the management of the Russian state in the period preceding the revolution. As for the question of “treason”, this unfortunate rumor was not confirmed by a single fact, and was subsequently refuted by an investigation of Muravyov’s commission specially appointed by the Provisional Government, with the participation of representatives from the Council of R. [Workers] and S. [Soldatsky] Deputies. »

Personal assessments of contemporaries who knew him

Different opinions about the willpower of Nicholas II and his accessibility to the influences of the environment

The former Chairman of the Council of Ministers, Count S. Yu. Witte, in connection with the critical situation on the eve of the publication of the Manifesto on October 17, 1905, when the possibility of introducing a military dictatorship in the country, wrote in his memoirs:

General A. F. Rediger (as Minister of War in 1905-1909, twice a week had a personal report to the sovereign) in his memoirs (1917-1918) wrote about him: “Before the report began, the sovereign always talked about something extraneous; if there was no other topic, then about the weather, about his walk, about the test portion, which was served to him daily before reports, then from the Convoy, then from the Consolidated Regiment. He was very fond of these cookings and once told me that he had just tasted pearl barley soup, which he cannot achieve at home: Kyuba (his cook) says that such a fat can only be achieved by cooking for a hundred people The sovereign considered it his duty to appoint senior commanders know. He had an amazing memory. He knew a lot of people who served in the Guard or for some reason they saw, he remembered the military exploits of individuals and military units, he knew the units that rebelled and remained loyal during the riots, he knew the number and name of each regiment, the composition of each division and corps, the location many parts ... He told me that in rare cases of insomnia, he begins to list shelves in memory in numerical order and usually falls asleep when he reaches the reserve parts that he does not know so firmly. In order to know life in the regiments, he daily read the orders for the Preobrazhensky Regiment and explained to me that he reads them daily, since if you just miss a few days, you will spoil yourself and stop reading them. He liked to dress lightly and told me that he sweated otherwise, especially when he was nervous. At first, he willingly wore a white jacket of a marine style at home, and then, when the old uniform with crimson silk shirts was returned to the arrows of the imperial family, he almost always wore it at home, moreover, in the summer heat - right on his naked body. Despite the hard days that fell to his lot, he never lost his composure, he always remained an even and affable, equally diligent worker. He told me that he was an optimist, and indeed, even in difficult times, he kept faith in the future, in the power and greatness of Russia. Always friendly and affectionate, he made a charming impression. His inability to refuse someone's request, especially if it came from a well-deserved person and was somehow feasible, sometimes interfered with the case and put the minister in a difficult position, who had to be strict and renew the command staff of the army, but at the same time increased charm his personality. His reign was unsuccessful and, moreover, through his own fault. His shortcomings are visible to everyone, they are also visible from my real memories. His merits are easily forgotten, since they were visible only to those who saw him close, and I consider it my duty to note them, especially since I still remember him with the warmest feeling and sincere regret.

In close contact with the tsar in the last months before the revolution, Protopresbyter of the military and naval clergy Georgy Shavelsky, in his study, written in exile in the 1930s, wrote about him: from people and life. And Emperor Nicholas II raised this wall even higher with an artificial superstructure. It was itself characteristic feature his mental disposition and his regal action. This happened against his will, thanks to his manner of treating his subjects. Once he told the Minister of Foreign Affairs S. D. Sazonov: “I try not to seriously think about anything, otherwise I would have been in a coffin long ago.” He put his interlocutor in a strictly defined framework. The conversation began exclusively apolitical. The sovereign showed great attention and interest in the personality of the interlocutor: in the stages of his service, in exploits and merits. But as soon as the interlocutor went beyond this framework - to touch on any ailments of the current life, the sovereign immediately changed or directly stopped the conversation.

Senator Vladimir Gurko wrote in exile: “ Public environment, which was to the heart of Nicholas II, where, by his own admission, he rested his soul, there was an environment of guards officers, as a result of which he so willingly accepted invitations to officer meetings of the guards regiments most familiar to him in terms of their personnel and, it happened, sat on them until the morning . His officer meetings were attracted by the ease that reigned in them, the absence of painful court etiquette, in many respects, the Sovereign retained children's tastes and inclinations until old age.

Awards

Russian

• Order of St. Andrew the First-Called (05/20/1868)
• Order of St. Alexander Nevsky (05/20/1868)
• Order of the White Eagle (05/20/1868)
• Order of St. Anne 1st class (05/20/1868)
• Order of St. Stanislaus 1st class (05/20/1868)
• Order of St. Vladimir 4th class (08/30/1890)
• Order of St. George 4th class (25.10.1915)

Foreign

higher degrees:

• Order of the Wendish Crown (Mecklenburg-Schwerin) (01/09/1879)
• Order of the Netherlands Lion (03/15/1881)
• Order of Merit of Duke Peter-Friedrich-Ludwig (Oldenburg) (04/15/1881)
• Order of the Rising Sun (Japan) (09/04/1882)
• Order of Fidelity (Baden) (05/15/1883)
• Order of the Golden Fleece (Spain) (05/15/1883)
• Order of Christ (Portugal) (05/15/1883)
• Order of the White Falcon (Saxe-Weimar) (05/15/1883)
• Order of the Seraphim (Sweden) (05/15/1883)
• Order of Ludwig (Hesse-Darmstadt) (05/02/1884)
• Order of St. Stephen (Austria-Hungary) (05/06/1884)
• Order of Saint Hubert (Bavaria) (05/06/1884)
• Order of Leopold (Belgium) (05/06/1884)
• Order of St. Alexander (Bulgaria) (05/06/1884)
• Order of the Württemberg Crown (05/06/1884)
• Order of the Savior (Greece) (05/06/1884)
• Order of the Elephant (Denmark) (05/06/1884)
• Order of the Holy Sepulcher (Patriarchate of Jerusalem) (05/06/1884)
• Order of the Annunciation (Italy) (05/06/1884)
• Order of Saint Mauritius and Lazarus (Italy) (05/06/1884)
• Order of the Italian Crown (Italy) (05/06/1884)
• Order of the Black Eagle (German Empire) (05/06/1884)
• Order of the Romanian Star (05/06/1884)
• Order of the Legion of Honor (05/06/1884)
• Order of Osmanie (Ottoman Empire) (07/28/1884)
• Portrait of the Persian Shah (07/28/1884)
• Order of the Southern Cross (Brazil) (09/19/1884)
• Order of Noble Bukhara (02.11.1885), with diamond signs (27.02.1889)
• Family Order of the Chakri Dynasty (Siam) (03/08/1891)
• Order of the Crown of the State of Bukhara with diamond signs (11/21/1893)
• Order of the Seal of Solomon 1st class (Ethiopia) (06/30/1895)
• Order of the Double Dragon, studded with diamonds (04/22/1896)
• Order of the Sun Alexander (Emirate of Bukhara) (05/18/1898)
• Order of the Bath (Britain)
• Order of the Garter (Britain)
• Royal Victorian Order (Britain) (1904)
• Order of Charles I (Romania) (15.06.1906)

After death

Assessment in Russian emigration

In the preface to his memoirs, General A. A. Mosolov, who for a number of years was in the close circle of the emperor, wrote in the early 1930s: “Tsar Nicholas II, His family and His entourage were almost the only object of accusation for many circles representing the Russian public opinion of the pre-revolutionary era. After the catastrophic collapse of our fatherland, the accusations focused almost exclusively on the Sovereign. General Mosolov assigned a special role in the aversion of society from the imperial family and from the throne in general - to Empress Alexandra Feodorovna: “the discord between society and the court became so aggravated that society, instead of supporting the throne, according to its rooted monarchical views, turned away from it and with real malevolence looked at his downfall.

From the beginning of the 1920s, monarchically-minded circles of the Russian emigration published works about the last tsar, which had an apologetic (later also hagiographic) character and propaganda orientation; the most famous among those was the study of Professor S. S. Oldenburg, published in 2 volumes in Belgrade (1939) and Munich (1949), respectively. One of the final conclusions of Oldenburg read: “The most difficult and most forgotten feat of Emperor Nicholas II was that He, under incredibly difficult conditions, brought Russia to the threshold of victory: His opponents did not let her cross this threshold.”

Official assessment in the USSR

An article about him in the Great Soviet Encyclopedia (1st edition; 1939): “Nicholas II was just as limited and ignorant as his father. The features of a stupid, narrow-minded, suspicious and proud despot inherent in Nicholas II during his tenure on the throne received a particularly vivid expression. The mental squalor and moral decay of the court circles reached their extreme limits. The regime was rotting in the bud Until the last minute, Nicholas II remained what he was - a stupid autocrat, unable to understand either the environment or even his own benefits. He was preparing to march on Petrograd in order to drown the revolutionary movement in blood, and together with the generals close to him discussed the plan of treason. »

The later (post-war) Soviet historiographical publications, intended for a wide range, in describing the history of Russia during the reign of Nicholas II, sought, as far as possible, to avoid mentioning him as a person and personality: for example, “A Handbook on the History of the USSR for Preparatory Departments of Universities” ( 1979) on 82 pages of text (without illustrations), outlining the socio-economic and political development of the Russian Empire in given period, mentions the name of the emperor, who was at the head of the state at the time described, only once - when describing the events of his abdication in favor of his brother (nothing is said about his accession; the name of V.I. Lenin is mentioned 121 times on the same pages).

church veneration

Since the 1920s, in the Russian diaspora, at the initiative of the Union of Zealots for the Memory of Emperor Nicholas II, regular funeral commemorations of Emperor Nicholas II were held three times a year (on his birthday, name day and on the anniversary of the murder), but his veneration as a saint began to spread after World War II.

On October 19 (November 1), 1981, Emperor Nicholas and his family were glorified by the Russian Church Abroad (ROCOR), which at that time did not have church communion with the Moscow Patriarchate in the USSR.

The decision of the Council of Bishops of the Russian Orthodox Church of August 20, 2000: “To glorify the Imperial Family as martyrs in the host of new martyrs and confessors of Russia: Emperor Nicholas II, Empress Alexandra, Tsarevich Alexy, Grand Duchesses Olga, Tatiana, Maria and Anastasia.” Memorial Day: 4 (17) July.

The act of canonization was accepted Russian society ambiguous: opponents of canonization argue that the proclamation of Nicholas II as a saint was political in nature.

In 2003, in Yekaterinburg, on the site of the demolished house of engineer N. N. Ipatiev, where Nicholas II and his family were shot, the Church-on-the-Blood was built? in the name of All the Saints who shone in the Russian land, in front of which a monument to the family of Nicholas II was erected.

Rehabilitation. Identification of remains

In December 2005, the representative of the head of the "Russian Imperial House" Maria Vladimirovna Romanova sent a statement to the Russian prosecutor's office about the rehabilitation of the executed former Emperor Nicholas II and members of his family as victims of political repression. According to the application, after a series of refusals to satisfy, on October 1, 2008, the Presidium of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation made a decision (despite the opinion of the Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation, who stated in court that the requirements for rehabilitation do not comply with the provisions of the law due to the fact that these persons were not arrested for political reasons , a judgment about the execution was not accepted) about the rehabilitation of the last Russian Emperor Nicholas II and members of his family.

On October 30 of the same 2008, it was reported that the Prosecutor General's Office of the Russian Federation decided to rehabilitate 52 people from the entourage of Emperor Nicholas II and his family.

In December 2008, at a scientific and practical conference held on the initiative of the Investigative Committee under the Prosecutor's Office of the Russian Federation, with the participation of geneticists from Russia and the United States, it was stated that the remains found in 1991 near Yekaterinburg and buried on June 17, 1998 in the Catherine's aisle of the Peter and Paul Cathedral (St. Petersburg), belong to Nicholas II. In January 2009, the Investigative Committee completed the investigation of the criminal case into the circumstances of the death and burial of the family of Nicholas II; the investigation was terminated “due to the expiration of the statute of limitations for bringing to justice and the death of the perpetrators of the premeditated murder”

The representative of M. V. Romanova, who calls herself the head of the Russian Imperial House, stated in 2009 that “Maria Vladimirovna fully shares the position of the Russian Orthodox Church on this issue, which did not find sufficient grounds for recognizing the “Ekaterinburg remains” as belonging to members of the Royal Family.” Other representatives of the Romanovs, led by N. R. Romanov, took a different position: the latter, in particular, took part in the burial of the remains in July 1998, saying: “We have come to close the era.”

Monuments to Emperor Nicholas II

Even during the life of the last Emperor, at least twelve monuments were erected in his honor, connected with his visits to various cities and military camps. Basically, these monuments were columns or obelisks with the imperial monogram and the corresponding inscription. The only monument, which was a bronze bust of the Emperor on a high granite pedestal, was erected in Helsingfors for the 300th anniversary of the Romanov dynasty. To date, none of these monuments has survived. (Sokol K. G. Monumental monuments of the Russian Empire. Catalog. M., 2006, pp. 162-165)

By the irony of history, the first monument to the Russian Tsar-Martyr was erected in 1924 in Germany by the Germans who fought with Russia - officers of one of the Prussian regiments, whose Chief was Emperor Nicholas II, "erected a worthy monument to Him in an extremely honorable place."

Currently, monumental monuments to Emperor Nicholas II, from small busts to bronze statues in full height installed in the following cities and towns:

• settlement Vyritsa, Gatchina district, Leningrad region On the territory of the mansion of S. V. Vasiliev. Bronze statue of the Emperor on a high pedestal. Opened in 2007
• ur. Ganina Yama, near Yekaterinburg. In the complex of the monastery of the Holy Royal Passion-bearers. Bronze bust on a pedestal. Opened in the 2000s.
• Yekaterinburg city. Near the Church of All Saints in the Russian land shone (Church-on-Blood). The bronze composition includes figures of the Emperor and members of His Family. Opened on July 16, 2003, sculptors K. V. Grunberg and A. G. Mazaev.
• with. Klementyevo (near the city of Sergiev Posad), Moscow region. Behind the altar of the Assumption Church. Plaster bust on a pedestal. Opened in 2007
• Kursk. Next to the church of the saints Faith, Hope, Love and their mother Sophia (pr. Friendship). Bronze bust on a pedestal. Opened on September 24, 2003, sculptor V. M. Klykov.
• Moscow. At the Vagankovsky cemetery, next to the Church of the Resurrection of the Word. Memorial monument, which is a marble cross and four granite slabs with carved inscriptions. Opened May 19, 1991, sculptor N. Pavlov. On July 19, 1997, the memorial was seriously damaged by an explosion, was subsequently restored, but in November 2003 it was again damaged.
• Podolsk, Moscow region On the territory of the estate of V.P. Melikhov, next to the Church of the Holy Royal Passion-Bearers. The first plaster monument by sculptor V. M. Klykov, representing a full-length statue of the Emperor, was opened on July 28, 1998, but on November 1, 1998 it was blown up. A new, this time bronze, monument based on the same model was reopened on January 16, 1999.
• Pushkin. Near the Feodorovsky Sovereign Cathedral. Bronze bust on a pedestal. Opened on July 17, 1993, sculptor V.V. Zaiko.
• Saint Petersburg. Behind the altar of the Exaltation of the Cross Church (Ligovsky pr., 128). Bronze bust on a pedestal. Opened May 19, 2002, sculptor S. Yu. Alipov.
• Sochi. On the territory of the Michael - Archangel Cathedral. Bronze bust on a pedestal. Opened November 21, 2008, sculptor V. Zelenko.
• settlement Syrostan (near the city of Miass) of the Chelyabinsk region. Near Holy Cross Church. Bronze bust on a pedestal. Opened in July 1996, sculptor P. E. Lyovochkin.
• with. Taininskoye (near the city of Mytishchi), Moscow Region. Statue of the Emperor in full growth on a high pedestal. Opened May 26, 1996, sculptor V. M. Klykov. On April 1, 1997, the monument was blown up, but three years later it was restored according to the same model and reopened on August 20, 2000.
• settlement Shushenskoye, Krasnoyarsk Territory. Near the factory entrance of Shushenskaya Marka LLC (Pionerskaya st., 10). Bronze bust on a pedestal. Opened on December 24, 2010, sculptor K. M. Zinich.

• In 2007, at the Russian Academy of Arts, the sculptor Z. K. Tsereteli presented a monumental bronze composition consisting of the figures of the Emperor and members of His Family, standing in front of the executioners in the basement of the Ipatiev House, and depicting the last minutes of their lives. To date, not a single city has yet expressed a desire to establish this monument.

The memorial temples - monuments to the Emperor should include:

• Temple - a monument to the Tsar - Martyr Nicholas II in Brussels. It was founded on February 2, 1936, built according to the project of the architect N.I. Istselenov, and solemnly consecrated on October 1, 1950 by Metropolitan Anastassy (Gribanovsky). The temple - a monument is under the jurisdiction of the ROC (z).
• Church of All Saints in the Russian land shone (Temple - on - Blood) in Yekaterinburg. (See a separate article on Wikipedia about him)

Filmography

Several feature films have been made about Nicholas II and his family, among which we can distinguish Agony (1981), the English-American film Nicholas and Alexandra ( Nicholas and Alexandra, 1971) and two Russian films The Tsar Killer (1991) and The Romanovs. Crowned family "(2000). Hollywood made several films about the allegedly saved daughter of Tsar Anastasia "Anastasia" ( Anastasia, 1956) and "Anastasia, or the secret of Anna" ( , USA, 1986), as well as the cartoon "Anastasia" ( Anastasia, USA, 1997).

Movie incarnations

• Alexander Galibin (Life of Klim Samgin 1987, "The Romanovs. Crowned Family" (2000)
• Anatoly Romashin (Agony 1974/1981)
• Oleg Yankovsky (Regicide)
• Andrei Rostotsky (Split 1993, Dreams 1993, Your Cross)
• Andrey Kharitonov (Sins of the Fathers 2004)
• Borislav Brondukov (Kotsiubinsky Family)
• Gennady Glagolev (Pale Horse)
• Nikolai Burlyaev (Admiral)
• Michael Jayston ("Nicholas and Alexandra" Nicholas and Alexandra, 1971)
• Omar Sharif (Anastasia, or Anna's Secret) Anastasia: The Mystery of Anna, USA, 1986)
• Ian McKellen (Rasputin, USA, 1996)
• Alexander Galibin ("The Life of Klim Samgin" 1987, "Romanovs. Crowned Family", 2000)
• Oleg Yankovsky ("Regicide", 1991)
• Andrey Rostotsky ("Split", 1993, "Dreams", 1993, "Own Cross")
• Vladimir Baranov (Russian Ark, 2002)
• Gennady Glagolev ("White Horse", 2003)
• Andrei Kharitonov ("Sins of the Fathers", 2004)
• Andrey Nevraev ("Death of the Empire", 2005)
• Evgeny Stychkin (You are my happiness, 2005)
• Mikhail Eliseev (Stolypin... Unlearned Lessons, 2006)
• Yaroslav Ivanov ("Conspiracy", 2007)
• Nikolai Burlyaev (Admiral, 2008)

On the initiative of Nicholas II in 1899, the 1st Hague Peace Conference was convened. The results of the conference were the prohibition of the use of poisonous substances and the use of explosive bullets on the battlefield.
The reign of Nicholas II was the period of the highest rates of economic growth in the history of the Russian Empire - up to 9% per year, i.e. more than in America. This result was achieved thanks to the work carried out with the participation of such outstanding statesmen, as S. Yu. Witte and P. A. Stolypin, monetary and land reforms, large-scale construction of railways.
At the same time, labor and social legislation was successfully developed. It can be said with good reason that during the reign of Nicholas II in Russia, one of the most advanced labor laws for its time was formed, which ensured the regulation of working hours, the payment of compensation in case of accidents at work, compulsory insurance of workers against illness, disability and old age .
The emperor actively contributed to the development of Russian culture, art, science, and the reforms of the army and navy.
In the course of the generally successful military reforms of 1905-1912. the highest military administration was decentralized, the terms of active service were reduced, the life of soldiers and sailors was improved, as well as the financial situation of officers; the officer corps was rejuvenated, the cadet schools were transformed into military schools, new regulations and instructions were developed and put into effect. In 1910, the Imperial Air Force was created.
After the revolution of 1905, Nicholas signed the famous Manifesto on October 17, 1905, for the first time in Russian history officially declared and guaranteed to the population of a vast country the unshakable foundations of civil freedom "on the basis of real inviolability of the person, freedom of conscience, speech, assembly and unions" . A full-fledged legislative body appeared in the country - the State Duma. In fact, the Manifesto was the forerunner of the Russian constitution, which the grandfather of Nikolai Alexandrovich, Emperor Alexander II, dreamed of.
Nicholas II was often reproached for the lack of outstanding statesmanship. Meanwhile, according to impartial figures and statistics, the Russian Empire during the reign of Nicholas II was developing rapidly and successfully. During the twenty years of the reign of Nicholas II, the population of the Empire increased by fifty million people, that is, by 40%; natural population growth exceeded three million a year. Along with natural growth, the general level of well-being has noticeably increased. Heavy industry grew rapidly in Russia. The length of railways, as well as telegraph wires, more than doubled. The river fleet, the largest in the world, has multiplied and strengthened. The growth of public education is evidenced by the fact that by 1914 the expenditures of the state, zemstvos and cities on public education in the aggregate amounted to about 300 million rubles (at the beginning of the reign - about 40 million). By the beginning of the 20th century, Russia became the world leader in the cultivation of grain, the production of rye, barley and oats.
During the reign of Nicholas II, by law of 1896, a gold-backed currency was introduced, Russia had one of the most liberal taxation systems in the world, government revenues and gold reserves grew quite quickly.

"May the Lord God help Russia"
Nicholas II

The identity of the last Emperor Nicholas II and the royal family has been causing incessant controversy for many decades now ... Modern society prefers one of two things - either love or hate. Ambiguous conclusions form the fragile minds of the younger generations and this will not lead to anything good ...

The generation of the Internet, who do not read historical literature, are ready to accept any more or less truthful point of view on the network as a reliable source that continues to persecute the king and his family with impunity in the dirtiest ways ...

By occupation, talking a lot with people on social networks and various discussion platforms, forums, I became convinced that there are more and more people in the country who think they know a lot. Wherever you look, there are only historians. Everyone knows everything - do not say a word ... Of course, - how many people - so many opinions. But there is historical truth and it must be followed - it is in the public domain, it is difficult not to see it ... Just as it is not difficult to recognize frank brainwashing ... the history of tsarist Russia into a kind of farce ...

Given the speed of information consumption, I faced another sad reality modern society- people stopped reading voluminous, long, large texts. What kind of books and reading are we talking about? Many popular media, accepting this trend, try to use words such as “short”, “not long” in their headlines ...

I know that at such speeds of life, we are not always able to understand the usefulness of information and its reliability - somehow there is not enough time ... But for this, educational magazines exist to sort through a huge flow of information - to look for truthful, more or less reliable, especially when it comes to Russian history, which for hundreds of centuries they have been trying to rewrite and distort.

So, the last Emperor Nicholas II. What was he really like? Was he a bad or useless emperor? What are his merits before Russia?

Based on facts. Excerpts from the book by Oleg Platonov: “The Crown of Thorns of Russia»

Man of conscience and honor

The foreign biographer of Nicholas II R. Macy once remarked that in England, where the main quality of the monarch is to be “ a good man”, which automatically means to be a “good king”, Nicholas would have been a wonderful monarch. And according to Russian Orthodox concepts, Nicholas II was a man of conscience and soul, a true Christian, and so was his wife.

Throughout their lives, the Tsar and the Tsarina were worried about three most important ideas: the idea of ​​universal peace, the idea of ​​the triumph of Orthodoxy, the idea of ​​the country's prosperity. Intertwined with a touching love for each other and children, these ideas were the main core of their existence, for which they laid down their lives.

The idea of ​​general and complete disarmament belongs to the Tsar and Tsaritsa. This historical initiative alone gives them the right to immortality.

As the historian Oldenburg writes, the idea of ​​this was born, apparently, in March 1898. In the spring of the same year, the Minister of Foreign Affairs prepares a note, and by the summer an Appeal to all countries of the world. It stated in particular:

“As the armaments of each state grow, they correspond less and less to the goal set by the governments. The disruption of the economic system, caused to a large extent by the excess of armaments, and the constant danger that lies in the huge accumulation of military means, turn the armed world of our day into an overwhelming burden, which the peoples endure with ever greater difficulty. It seems obvious, therefore, that if such a state of affairs were to continue, it would fatally lead to precisely the disaster that one strives to avoid and before the horrors of which the thought of man trembles in advance.

Putting an end to continuous armaments and finding means to prevent misfortunes threatening the whole world - such is the highest duty for all states. Filled with this feeling, the Emperor ordered me to deign to address the governments of the states, whose representatives are accredited to the royal court, with a proposal to convene a conference in the form of discussing this important task.

With God's help, this conference could be a good omen for the coming age. It would rally into one mighty whole the efforts of all states sincerely striving for the great idea of ​​universal peace to triumph over the realm of turmoil and discord. At the same time, it would seal their agreement with a joint recognition of the principles of law and justice, on which the security of states and the prosperity of peoples are based.

How relevant these words sound today, and yet they were written almost a hundred years ago! For the organization of the general peace conference, Russia has done a great deal of work. However, the political thinking of the majority of statesmen of the countries participating in the peace conference was connected with the doctrine of the inevitability of wars and military confrontation.

The main proposals of Emperor Nicholas II were not accepted, although some progress was made on certain issues - the use of the most barbaric methods of war was prohibited and a permanent court was established for the peaceful resolution of disputes through mediation and arbitration.

The latter institution became the prototype of the League of Nations and the United Nations.

For many statesmen, the idea of ​​creating such an international organization seemed foolish.

The crowned brother of Tsar Nicholas II, Wilhelm II, wrote about the creation of this organization: “So that he (Nicholas II - O.P.) does not disgrace himself before Europe, I will agree to this stupidity. But in my practice, I will continue to rely and rely only on God and my sharp sword.”

The idea of ​​the triumph of Orthodoxy was expressed by the royal couple in the ascetic activity of the development of the church. The tsar personally dealt with the internal affairs of the church, contributed to the canonization of saints, the construction of new churches and the improvement of the living conditions of the clergy, many of whom, especially rural priests, lived very poorly.

During the reign of Nicholas II, as many churches were built as during the entire previous century. Missionary work was actively carried out in Siberia and Central Asia. return idea Orthodox world Constantinople and the greatest shrine of the temple of Hagia Sophia had a purely Christian character of the restoration of justice. Not conquest, but acquisition, not capture, but return.

The reign of Nicholas II is the period of the highest rates of economic growth in the history of Russia and the USSR.

During the 1880s-1910s, the growth rate of Russian industrial output exceeded 9 percent per year. In terms of growth in industrial output and in terms of labor productivity growth, Russia came out on top in the world, ahead of the rapidly developing United States.

In terms of the production of the main agricultural crops, Russia came out on top in the world, growing more than half of the world's production of rye, more than a quarter of wheat and oats, about two-fifths of barley, about a quarter of potatoes.

Russia became the main exporter of agricultural products, the first "breadbasket of Europe", which accounted for two-fifths of the world's exports of peasant products.

The rapid development of the level of industrial and agricultural production, coupled with a positive trade balance, allowed Russia during the reign of Nicholas II to have a stable gold convertible currency, which today we can only dream of, looking at the golden Nikolaev ten rubles.

The economic policy of the government of Nicholas II was built on the principles of creating the most favorable regime for all healthy economic forces through preferential taxation and lending, promoting the organization of all-Russian industrial fairs, and the comprehensive development of means of communication and communication.

Emperor Nicholas II gave great importance development of railways. Even in his youth, he participated in the laying (and later actively contributed to the construction) of the famous Great Siberian Road, most of which was built during his reign.

1904. Emperor Nicholas II on the platform of st. Chrysostom, June 30

The rise of industrial production during the reign of Nicholas II was largely connected with the development of new factory legislation, one of the active creators of which was the Emperor himself as the main legislator of the country. The purpose of the new factory legislation was, on the one hand, to streamline relations between entrepreneurs and workers, and on the other hand, to improve the position of the working people living on industrial earnings.

The law of June 2, 1897 for the first time introduced the rationing of the working day. According to this law, for workers employed during the day, working hours should not exceed eleven and a half hours a day, and on Saturday and pre-holiday days - 10 hours. “For workers employed, at least in part, at night, the working time should not exceed ten hours a day.” A little later, a ten-hour working day was legally established in Russian industry.

For that era, it was a revolutionary step. For comparison, let's say that in Germany the question of this was only raised.

Another law adopted with the direct participation of Emperor Nicholas II, on the remuneration of workers affected by accidents (1903). According to this law, “the owners of enterprises are obliged to compensate workers, without distinction of their sex and age, for the loss of more than three days of their ability to work from bodily injury caused to them by work on the production of the enterprise or that occurred as a result of such work.”

“If the result of an accident, under the same conditions, was the death of a worker, then the members of his family use the reward.” And, finally, by the law of June 23, 1912, compulsory insurance of workers against illness and accidents was introduced in Russia. The next step was to introduce a law on disability and old age insurance. But the subsequent social cataclysms delayed it for two decades...

Many more examples of the active assistance of the Tsar in the development of Russian culture, art, science, and the reform of the army and navy can be cited.

So, one of the first acts of Emperor Nicholas II there was an order to allocate significant amounts of money to help needy scientists, writers and publicists, as well as their widows and orphans (1895). The Emperor entrusted the management of this matter to a special commission of the Academy of Sciences. In 1896, a new charter was introduced on the privileges for inventions, "modifying the previous conditions for the operation of inventions to the benefit of the inventors themselves and the development of industrial technology."

But the paradox: the more the Tsar did for the good of the Fatherland, the stronger the voices of his opponents were heard. There is an organized smear campaign designed to discredit him. The dark destructive forces do not disdain anything, the meanest, dirtiest, most ridiculous accusations are used - from espionage in favor of the Germans to complete moral decay.

Nicholas II reading "Petersburg Vedomosti", 1902

An increasing part of Russia's educated society is torn away from Russian traditions and ideals and takes the side of these destructive forces. Tsar Nicholas II and this destructive part of educated society live, as it were, in different worlds. Emperor - in spiritual world native Russia, its opponents - in the world of its denial.

Emphasizing the essence of the tragedy of the Russian Emperor, it should be noted that it was during his reign that the fruits of the poisonous tree of denial of Russian culture ripened, the roots of which stretch into the depths of Russian history.

It is not his fault, but his misfortune, that the ripening of the poisonous fruits now called "revolution" occurred during his reign. Strictly speaking, this was not a revolution, because the main content of the events that followed after 1917 was not the social struggle (although it certainly was), but the struggle of people deprived of Russian national consciousness. against national Russia. In this struggle, the Russian Tsar had to die first.

The tsar seeks to preserve and increase the national Russian culture, the destructive elements call for its destruction. The tsar organizes the defense of the country from the mortal enemy, the destructive elements call for the defeat of Russia in this war.

A very deep assessment of the events that took place on the eve of the death of the Russian Emperor, given by Winston Churchill in his book "The World Crisis of 1916-1918", is interesting. Here are some excerpts:

“Fate has not been so cruel to any country as to Russia. Her ship sank when the harbor was in sight. She had already weathered the storm when everything collapsed. All the sacrifices have already been made, all the work is done. Despair and treason seized power when the task was already completed. The long retreats are over; shell hunger is defeated; weapons flowed in a wide stream; a stronger, more numerous, better equipped army guarded a vast front; rear collection points were overflowing with people. Alekseev led the army and Kolchak led the navy. In addition, no more difficult actions were required: to remain at the post; to press with a heavy load on the widely stretched German lines; to hold, without showing much activity, the weakening enemy forces on their front; in other words - hold on; that was all that stood between Russia and the fruits of the common victory.”

“... In March the Tsar was on the throne; The Russian Empire and the Russian army held out, the front was secured and the victory is indisputable.”

“According to the superficial fashion of our time, it is customary to interpret the royal system as a blind, rotten, incapable tyranny. But an analysis of the thirty months of the war with Germany and Austria should correct these superficial notions. We can measure the strength of the Russian Empire by the blows it has endured, by the disasters it has endured, by the inexhaustible forces that it has developed, and by the restoration of strength that it has proved capable of.”

“In the government of states, when great events are taking place, the leader of the nation, whoever he may be, is condemned for failures and glorified for successes. It's not about who did the work, who drew up the plan of struggle; censure or praise for the outcome prevails on him on whom the authority of supreme responsibility. Why refuse Nicholas II this severe trial?... The burden of the last decisions lay on Him. At the top, where events surpass the understanding of man, where everything is inscrutable, He had to give answers. He was the compass needle. To fight or not to fight? Advance or retreat? Go right or left? Agree to democratization or hold firm? Leave or stay? Here are the battlefields of Nicholas II. Why not honor Him for this? The selfless impulse of the Russian armies that saved Paris in 1914; overcoming a painful, shellless retreat; slow recovery; Brusilov's victories; Russia's entry into the 1917 campaign invincible, stronger than ever; Wasn't there His share in all this?

Despite big and terrible mistakes, the system that was embodied in Him, which He led, to which He gave a vital spark by His personal properties, had by this moment won the war for Russia.

Now they're going to kill him. A dark hand intervenes, at first clothed in madness. The king leaves the stage. He and all those who love Him are betrayed to suffering and death. His efforts are downplayed; His actions are condemned; His memory is being tarnished... Stop and say: who else turned out to be suitable? In talented and courageous people; people ambitious and proud in spirit; brave and powerful - there was no shortage. But no one was able to answer those few simple questions on which the life and glory of Russia depended. Holding the victory already in her hands, she fell to the ground, alive, like Herod of old, devoured by worms. ( Winston Churchill)

Nicholas II was not a good politician in the current sense of the word, that is, he was not a politician and political ambitious person, ready to make any combinations and deals with his conscience to retain power. The emperor was a man of conscience and soul (you can see this many times by reading his correspondence and diaries), the moral principles that guided him in his activities made him defenseless against the dark intrigues that were woven in his environment. Many of his entourage pursued their own interests, hoping to receive certain benefits, bargained with the opponents of the Tsar about the price of betrayal.

Around the Tsar, the circle of betrayal and betrayal was shrinking more and more, which turned into a kind of trap by March 2, 1917. Let's read some of the entries in the Emperor's diary to understand the feelings that he had on the eve of his abdication.

Troubles broke out in Petrograd a few days ago; unfortunately, the troops began to take part in them. It's a disgusting feeling to be so far away and receive sketchy bad news! Was not long at the report. In the afternoon I took a walk along the highway to Orsha. The weather was sunny. After dinner I decided to go to Tsarskoe Selo as soon as possible, and at one in the morning I got on the train.

Went to bed at 3 1/4, because spoke for a long time with N.I. Ivanov, whom I send to Petrograd with troops to restore order. Slept until 10 o'clock. We left Mogilev at 5 o'clock. morning. The weather was frosty and sunny. In the afternoon we passed Vyazma, Rzhev, and Likhoslavl at 9 o'clock.

At night we turned back with M. Vishera, because Luban and Tosno turned out to be occupied by the rebels. We went to Valdai, Dno and Pskov, where we stopped for the night. I saw Ruzsky… Gatchina and Luga turned out to be busy too! Shame and shame! It was not possible to reach Tsarskoye. Thoughts and feelings are always there! How painful it must be for poor Alix to go through all these events alone! Help us. Lord!

Ruzsky came in the morning and read out his lengthy telephone conversation with Rodzianko. According to him, the situation in Petrograd is such that now the ministry from the Duma seems to be powerless to do anything, because. the Social-Democratic Party represented by the workers' committee is fighting it. I need my renunciation. Ruzsky passed this conversation on to the headquarters, and Alekseev to all the commanders-in-chief. By 2 1/2 o'clock. responses came from everyone. The bottom line is that in the name of saving Russia and keeping the armies at the front in peace, you need to decide on this step. I agreed. From the rate sent a draft manifesto. In the evening, Guchkov and Shulgin arrived from Petrograd, with whom I had a talk and gave them a signed and revised manifesto. At one o'clock in the morning I left Pskov with a heavy feeling of what I had experienced.

Around treason, and cowardice, and deceit!

With the signing of the abdication, an end was put to the tragedy of the life of Emperor Nicholas II and the countdown began in the tragedy of his death.

Why did the Emperor make this fatal decision? He, deceived and betrayed by his entourage, accepted him in the hope (he later told P. Gilliard about this) that those who wished his removal would be able to bring the war to a successful end and save Russia. He was afraid that his resistance would not serve as a pretext for civil war in the presence of the enemy, and did not want the blood of even one Russian to be shed for him.

He sacrificed himself for the sake of Russia. But the forces that insisted on the departure of the Tsar did not want either victory or the salvation of Russia, they needed chaos and the death of the country. They were ready to sow them for foreign gold.

Therefore, the sacrifice of the Tsar turned out to be in vain for Russia and, moreover, disastrous, for the state itself became a victim of treason. With the fall of the Tsar, the period of the rise of Russia ended and the process of its destruction began, which has not stopped to this day.

Moscow, 1995, excerpts from the book by Oleg Platonov: "The Crown of Thorns of Russia"

Nicholas II (Nikolai Alexandrovich Romanov), the eldest son of Emperor Alexander III and Empress Maria Feodorovna, was born May 18 (May 6, old style), 1868 in Tsarskoye Selo (now the city of Pushkin, Pushkinsky district of St. Petersburg).

Immediately after his birth, Nikolai was enrolled in the lists of several guards regiments and was appointed chief of the 65th Moscow Infantry Regiment. The childhood of the future tsar passed within the walls of the Gatchina Palace. Regular homework with Nikolai began at the age of eight.

In December 1875 he received his first military rank - ensign, in 1880 he was promoted to second lieutenant, four years later he became a lieutenant. In 1884 Nikolay entered active military service, in July 1887 year began regular military service in the Preobrazhensky Regiment and was promoted to staff captain; in 1891, Nikolai received the rank of captain, and a year later - colonel.

To get acquainted with state affairs from May 1889 he began to attend meetings of the State Council and the Committee of Ministers. AT October 1890 year went on a trip to the Far East. For nine months, Nikolai visited Greece, Egypt, India, China, and Japan.

AT April 1894 the engagement of the future emperor took place with Princess Alice of Darmstadt-Hesse, daughter of the Grand Duke of Hesse, granddaughter of the English Queen Victoria. After converting to Orthodoxy, she took the name of Alexandra Feodorovna.

November 2 (October 21, old style), 1894 Alexander III died. A few hours before his death, the dying emperor ordered his son to sign the Manifesto on accession to the throne.

The coronation of Nicholas II took place 26 (14 old style) May 1896. On the thirtieth (18 according to the old style) May 1896, during the celebration on the occasion of the coronation of Nicholas II in Moscow, a stampede occurred on the Khodynka field, in which more than a thousand people died.

The reign of Nicholas II took place in an atmosphere of growing revolutionary movement and the complication of the foreign policy situation (the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905; Bloody Sunday; the Revolution of 1905-1907; the First World War; the February Revolution of 1917).

Influenced by a strong social movement in favor of political change, 30 (17 old style) October 1905 Nicholas II signed the famous manifesto "On the improvement of the state order": the people were granted freedom of speech, press, personality, conscience, assembly, unions; The State Duma was created as a legislative body.

The turning point in the fate of Nicholas II was 1914- Beginning of the First World War. August 1st (July 19 old style) 1914 Germany declared war on Russia. AT August 1915 Nicholas II took over the military command (previously Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich held this position). After that, the tsar spent most of his time at the headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief in Mogilev.

At the end of February 1917 unrest began in Petrograd, which grew into mass demonstrations against the government and the dynasty. The February revolution found Nicholas II at headquarters in Mogilev. Having received the news of the uprising in Petrograd, he decided not to make concessions and to restore order in the city by force, but when the scale of the unrest became clear, he abandoned this idea, fearing great bloodshed.

At midnight 15 (2 old style) March 1917 in the saloon car of the imperial train, standing on the tracks at the Pskov railway station, Nicholas II signed the act of abdication, transferring power to his brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, who did not accept the crown.

20 (7 old style) March 1917 The provisional government issued an order for the arrest of the king. On March 22 (9 old style) March 1917, Nicholas II and his family were arrested. For the first five months they were under guard in Tsarskoe Selo, August 1917 they were transported to Tobolsk, where the Romanovs spent eight months.

At the beginning 1918 the Bolsheviks forced Nikolai to remove the shoulder straps of a colonel (his last military rank), he took this as a serious insult. May this year royal family was transported to Yekaterinburg, where she was placed in the house of mining engineer Nikolai Ipatiev.

On the night of 17 (4 old) July 1918 and Nicholas II, the queen, their five children: daughters - Olga (1895), Tatiana (1897), Maria (1899) and Anastasia (1901), son - Tsarevich, heir to the throne Alexei (1904) and several close associates (11 people in total) , . The execution took place in a small room on the lower floor of the house, where the victims were brought under the pretext of evacuation. The tsar himself was shot from a pistol point-blank by the commandant of the Ipatiev House, Yankel Yurovsky. The bodies of the dead were taken out of the city, doused with kerosene, tried to burn, and then buried.

Early 1991 The city prosecutor's office filed the first application for the discovery near Yekaterinburg of bodies with signs of violent death. After many years of research on the remains found near Yekaterinburg, a special commission came to the conclusion that they really are the remains of nine Nicholas II and his family. In 1997 they were solemnly buried in the Peter and Paul Cathedral in St. Petersburg.

In 2000 Nicholas II and members of his family were canonized by the Russian Orthodox Church.

On October 1, 2008, the Presidium of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation recognized the last Russian Tsar Nicholas II and members of his family as victims of illegal political repressions and rehabilitated them.