"The cause of the Civil War in the Kuban was the land conflict." Historian Andrei Baranov on the consequences of the February Revolution. The consequences of the civil war in the Kuban

The news of the overthrow of the Provisional Government in Petrograd and the proclamation of Soviet power was received in the Kuban on 26 October. At an emergency meeting, the Yekaterinodar and Novorossiysk Soviets decided to take power into their own hands, although this was not easy to do. The Kuban military government decided not to recognize the power of the Bolsheviks and to assume full power. Martial law was introduced in the Kuban region on October 26, members of the executive committee of the Yekaterinodar Soviet were arrested, and revolutionary-minded units were subject to disarmament. In response, protest rallies and strikes began in the city.

On November 1, 1917, the 1st session of the Legislative Rada began its work in Yekaterinodar, which elected the Kuban Regional Government instead of the Provisional Military Government, with L. L. Bych as its chairman. The Rada was looking for support among the population of the region. On December 12, the II regional congress of representatives of the Cossacks, non-residents and highlanders, consisting of supporters of the Rada, opened. The congress elected a united Legislative Rada consisting of 45 Cossacks, 45 from other cities and 8 mountaineers, as well as a new regional government. At the same time, a congress of labor Cossacks and non-residents (or the II Kuban Regional Congress of non-residents) was held in Yekaterinodar, which refused to recognize the decisions of the regional Rada and the government and demanded the transfer of all power to the Soviets. The congress recognized the power of the Soviets of People's Commissars (SNK) and elected the regional Soviet of People's Deputies. On January 8, 1918, the 1st session of the united (Legislative Rada) proclaimed the Kuban an independent republic, which is part of Russia on a federal basis.

In the Black Sea province, events developed according to a different scenario. On October 27, in Novorossiysk, under the leadership of the Bolsheviks, the Military Revolutionary Committee (VRC) was created. The City Duma of Novorossiysk, which was dominated by Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries, formed the VRK under its control. On November 23, Soviet power was established in Tuapse.

On November 23, the Congress of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies of the Black Sea Governorate elected the Central Executive Committee (CEC), by the decision of which the provincial commissar S. Dolgopolov was removed from power and the Military Revolutionary Committee, created by the city duma, was dissolved. On December 1, power in Novorossiysk passed to the provincial Central Executive Committee of Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies.

In Sochi, from October 29, power was concentrated in the hands of the Revolutionary Committee, which relied on Red Guard detachments. On January 9, 1918, the Revolutionary Committee removed the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks from leadership of the executive committee of the Sochi Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, and all power passed into the hands of the Bolsheviks. The process of formation of Soviet power in the Sochi District ended with the convocation of the First District Congress of Soviets on January 28-30, at which the District Council of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies was elected, which formed the district executive committee.

In the Gagra district of the Black Sea province, the power of the Transcaucasian Commissariat was established, formed on November 15, 1917 in Tiflis by the Mensheviks, Socialist-Revolutionaries, Dashnaks and Musavatists, who launched a struggle for the separation of Transcaucasia from Soviet Russia.

During January 1918, Soviet power was established in Armavir, Maykop, Temryuk, Tikhoretskaya and a number of villages, where the formation of Red Guard detachments began.

On January 17, representatives of the revolutionary committees and Soviets of the Kuban region gathered in the village of Krymskaya and formed the Kuban Regional Military Revolutionary Committee with the aim of capturing Yekaterinodar and establishing Soviet power.

On February 1, the First Congress of Soviets of the Kuban Region opened in Armavir, proclaiming Soviet power throughout the region. The congress elected the Regional Council and the Executive Committee. The Executive Committee decided to organize organs of Soviet power and abolish the old organs of power.

On March 14, the armed forces of the Reds occupied Yekaterinodar, forcing the Rada and the government with its detachment to leave the Kuban River to join General Kornilov's Volunteer Army. A semi-annual Soviet period began in the Kuban and the Black Sea region.

On March 10-13, the III Congress of Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies of the Black Sea Governorate took place in Tuapse. It decided to transform the province into the Black Sea Soviet Republic as constituent part RSFSR.

On April 14, the II Regional Congress of Soviets, held in Yekaterinodar, proclaimed the formation of the Kuban Soviet Republic. The congress approved a short constitution, elected the Central Executive Committee and formed the Council of People's Commissars, consisting of 16 commissariats. Ya. V. Poluyan became the chairman of the CEC. In each locality, the congress decided to elect Soviets from among the supporters of the new government to replace the former municipal and Cossack bodies.

The country was already in the midst of a civil war.

On May 28, the III Extraordinary United Congress of Soviets of the Kuban and the Black Sea Region opened in Yekaterinodar, which on May 30 adopted a decision to unite the Kuban and Black Sea Soviet Republics into the Kuban-Black Sea Soviet Republic. However, the old divisions persisted and separatist sentiments were strong.

In June 1918, when the issue of sinking the Black Sea Fleet was being decided, the majority in the leadership of the Kuban-Black Sea Republic spoke out in favor of its formal separation from Russia, hoping to declare the fleet the property of their republic. This caused strong opposition from the Central Executive Committee and the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR.

The deterioration of the situation at the front, the complication of the situation as a whole for the Soviet government made it necessary to overcome separatist sentiments, and at the First North Caucasian Congress of Soviets on July 7, a decision was made to unite the Kuban-Black Sea, Stavropol and Terek republics into one North Caucasian Soviet republic with a center in Ekaterinodar. It should be noted that the central bodies of Soviet power used old administrative names in documents.

On May 31, 1918, V. I. Lenin signed the decree of the Council of People's Commissars "On the organization of the management of the Cossack regions." The labor Cossacks, jointly and on an equal footing with peasants and workers, were given the right to organize Soviets of Cossack, peasant and workers' deputies: in the form of military or regional - like provincial, and district or district - like county, village or village. These Soviets received representation in the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. It was also indicated here that the formation of the Cossack units of the Red Army should immediately begin.

In an atmosphere of acute class struggle, the new state structures carried out complex socio-economic transformations in order to establish

economic life and the seizure of economic power from the bourgeoisie with the overcoming of its resistance.

Workers' control was established in industrial enterprises. All social privileges and restrictions were abolished. Priority social measures were implemented: 8-hour working day, restrictions on overtime, unemployment and sickness insurance, free universal education, free health care. Canceled private property on urban real estate in large cities, the Soviet government transferred the housing stock into the hands of local authorities, which immediately began the mass resettlement of working families from basements, from attics, from barracks and dilapidated buildings to comfortable "bourgeois" houses of the former owners.

The land was socialized in rural areas. Equalized land tenure increased the stratum of the middle peasants. Land was partially confiscated from the kulaks. On the landlords' lands, various collective farms were created - communes, state farms, tozes.

The years 1918-1920 constitute one of the most tragic and at the same time heroic pages of history. Russian society. The events of this period express several social processes. The heroic struggle of the working people of Russia for the preservation of the gains of the revolution, for a new life against the attempt of the overthrown classes to restore their rule, became the apogee of the centuries-old social and cultural split in Russian society. At the same time, the war for the independence of Russia against the interventionists and the national liberation struggle in the national regions against the old imperial domination of the overthrown classes were waged. But it was at the same time a fratricidal war, it became a tragedy of Russian society, a national catastrophe that brought enormous sacrifices and suffering. The scale of the armed struggle and mutual terror, the destruction of the economy and cultural heritage, social hatred and general bitterness had a heavy impact on the social and personal relations of people of more than one generation.

Western states have moved from covert intervention (supporting the counter-revolution within the country) to a direct invasion of the territory of Russia, dividing it into spheres of influence, uniting, rallying, arming all anti-Soviet forces. General M. V. Alekseev was allocated 100 million rubles for the organization of the Entente Volunteer Army in Novocherkassk. This plan was supported by the US government. The dismemberment of Russia was to be carried out, in the opinion of the American leadership, by recognizing provisional governments in various regions of Russia, by providing assistance to these governments and through these governments.

Ataman Krasnov, with the support of the German command, creates the Don Army. Generals A. I. Denikin and M. V. Alekseev in the Kuban form formations of the Volunteer Army with the help of the Entente.

From February 9 to February 10, 1918, the first campaign of the Volunteer Army under the command of General L. G. Kornilov to the Kuban began from Rostov-on-Don. The Kuban Rada went to meet the "liberators". In its statement, the Rada reported that the Kuban Cossacks "could not protect their chosen ones." An attempt by the Whites to storm Yekaterinodar in April 1918 ended in failure and the death of the commander in chief. The campaign to the Kuban, later called the 1st Kuban, or "Ice", lasted 80 days.

Under the conditions of the Civil War, international intervention and the most difficult economic situation in the country, according to the decision of the III Extraordinary Congress of Soviets of the Kuban-Black Sea Republic, an increased export of food to the revolutionary center began. The use of coercive measures, requisitions led to the fact that at the end of the spring of 1918, armed rebellions broke out on the territory of the Kuban region.

In August 1918, the Volunteer Army under the command of General A.I. Denikin, who led the army after the death of Kornilov, launched a large-scale offensive against the Kuban. On August 4, the Whites took Ekaterinodar. But the Reds were not broken. The Red Army concentrated in the eastern part of the Kuban region North Caucasus under the command of I. L. Sorokin. It numbered up to 150 thousand fighters, 200 guns. The army was replenished mainly by nonresident peasants. The Reds managed to recapture Stavropol and Armavir from the Whites. But it was not possible to keep these cities.

While military units loyal to the Bolsheviks were retreating, and the Volunteer Army was advancing, Georgian military units crossed the border in the Adler region. As newspapers in Tbilisi wrote, the purpose of the military action was the decision of the Georgian government to "restore" the borders of their state of the XIV century.

On July 5, units of the Georgian National Guard occupied Sochi, on July 13 - Tuapse, then advanced along the railway line to the Khadyzhensk station, along the coast - to Arkhipo-Osipovka, Pshada and Mikhailovsky Pass. The government of N. Zhordanya announced the "temporary" accession of the Sochi and Tuapse districts to the Georgian Democratic Republic. The Georgian units were stopped near Tuapse by the retreating Taman army, and then driven out of the territory of the Black Sea province by the Volunteer Army.

The events of the Civil War are full of examples that testified that the social origin and line of behavior of the participants in revolutionary cataclysms did not always coincide. This was clearly manifested in the example of the Taman army.

Headed parts of the Tamanians two former officers the tsarist army E. I. Kovtyukh and G. N. Baturin, who fought against the whites along with the Kuban, Black Sea sailors who remained in Novorossiysk after the sinking of the Black Sea squadron by Ukrainian units retreating from the Crimea.

In November 1918, the last units loyal to the Bolsheviks left the territory of the region. The Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the South of Russia (VSYUR), General A. I. Denikin, restored the former Cossack administration, considering the Cossacks to be the most important part of the anti-Bolshevik movement. The former structure of the administrative-territorial division was also recreated. In the Black Sea province, the functions of the governor were performed by General A.P. Kutepov. Town governors, gendarmerie, police appeared in the cities, and the volost and rural administration was revived in the villages and villages.

On December 5, 1918, the Kuban Rada, in accordance with the "Temporary Regulations on the Administration of the Kuban Territory", transformed the Kuban Region into the Kuban Territory. From that time until the end of March 1920, Yekaterinodar was considered a regional center. Similar formations arose on the Don, Terek and other Cossack territories. However, everyone's approach was different. The Kuban and the Don strove for broad autonomy, the highlanders - for separation from Russia, and the command of the All-Union Socialist League - for a united and indivisible Russia.

The Cossack leaders were looking for their own way of developing the Kuban, but this was hampered by old disagreements. After the resignation of M.P. Babych, three military chieftains, five chairmen of the government were replaced, and the composition of the government changed nine times.

The Kuban Rada sought to pursue its own independent policy. Back in August 1918, she launched an active foreign policy activity. Government representatives from Astrakhan, Minsk, Kiev, the Great Don Army, Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Persia were accredited to the Kuban Rada. At the beginning of 1919, the Kuban Rada sent a delegation to the Paris (Versailles) peace conference, trying to get the Kuban included in the League of Nations as a full member of the world community.

In autumn, the Central Committee of the RCP(b) instructed People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs G. V. Chicherin to begin negotiations with the Parisian representatives of the Don and Kuban White Cossack governments, who turned to the Council of People's Commissars with a peace proposal.

The command of the Armed Forces of the South of Russia also became aware that the delegation of the Kuban Rada signed a Friendship Treaty with the mountain majlis in Tiflis, in which they promised support to the mountaineers fighting against Denikin. The Commander-in-Chief of the VSYUR declared this treaty illegal. In response, the Kuban Rada began to pull up its troops to Yekaterinodar. The case ended with the arrest and execution of some leaders of the Kuban "independence".

By order of A. I. Denikin, some members of the Parisian delegation were arrested and brought to court-martial. As for the Kuban Rada itself, this was the end of its search for a “third way”.

Conclusion

So, February 1917 drew a line under the history of the Romanov monarchy, it briefly survived its 300th anniversary. Based on the sources I studied, describing the events in Russia in 1915-1917, one main conclusion can be drawn: due to the inept actions of the tsarist government and Nicholas II in particular, due to its inability to competently manage the state, the February bourgeois-democratic revolution of 1917 became a necessary measure. Too great was the dissatisfaction with the tsarist regime of many influential political forces and community groups. The February revolution took place in a different environment than the revolution of 1905-1907. Russia's participation in the exhausting World War I sharply exacerbated all socio-economic and political contradictions. The needs and calamities of the masses, generated by economic devastation, caused acute social tension in the country, the growth of anti-war sentiments and extreme dissatisfaction with the policy of tsarism, not only among the left and opposition forces, but also a significant part of the right. The authority of autocratic power and its bearer, the emperor, fell sharply. But not everywhere the revolution took place with such success, in many regions there was great resistance.

Considering all the ongoing political events, we can conclude that in the process of establishing Soviet power in the Kuban in the period from 1917 to 1918. there were repeated clashes between the Bolsheviks and local self-government. The population was pulled to one side or the other. In addition, interethnic conflicts constantly occurred. It should be noted that the formation of Soviet power on the territory of the Kuban was not completely completed even after the end of the Civil War. And after that, the confrontation continued. The Soviet people played an important role in improving the basis of agricultural production in the region and organizing it as a whole, which included "actively involving the masses of the peasantry in agricultural work, attracting teachers, advanced peasantry to carry out propaganda on the introduction of better farming methods, organizing peasant demonstration fields, training land surveyors It became obvious that without the help of the Center, other peoples, and primarily Russian, it would be difficult to overcome the difficulties that had arisen both in organizing agricultural production and in providing the population with food - the Soviet government provided assistance to the population of the North Caucasus. together with representatives of autonomous entities, Soviet people passed on their experience to them, at the same time getting acquainted with the customs and traditions of the local population. The population of the North Caucasus could not cope with the pressure of the Soviet authorities, it turned out to be much more profitable to be under its patronage, and not to resist. A major role in the fact that it was Soviet power that was established in the North Caucasus was played by the fact that initially there was a huge preponderance of forces on its side. Undoubtedly, the First World War played an important role in this, which did not allow military assistance to be provided to the Russian counter-revolution.

Introduction

The relevance of the topic is revealed in the uniqueness of the history of the Civil War in the Kuban. The participation of peasants in the events of civil confrontation played a significant role in the struggle of various opposing forces, significantly weakening political rivals.

The chosen topic is relevant due to the specifics of the place: the Kuban is a border area, multi-ethnic, and therefore potentially explosive. The history of the Civil War in the region is very instructive for modern politicians, both Russian and regional.

The object of the study is the specifics of the history of the Civil War in the territory of the Kuban in 1917-1922.

The subject is the prerequisites and the process of development of social contradictions in the Kuban; the activities of the opposing state structures formed during the years of the Civil War; regional specificity, influencing the course of the Civil War and the main directions of the policy of opposing forces; features of the military operations of the Civil War in the region from October 1917 to December 1922

The chronological framework covers the period from the autumn of 1917 to December 1922, that is, the stage when the Civil War took place in the Kuban.

The boundaries are determined by the territories of the Kuban in the designated chronological period.

The degree of knowledge of the problem. Only in the first 50 years after the establishment of Soviet power on the history of the Civil War, more than 12 thousand books and articles were published, with some probability it can be argued that now the historiography of the Civil War includes at least 20 thousand works.

Several periods can be distinguished in the development of the historiography of the problem: 1920s, 1930s - early 1950s, mid-1950s - mid-1980s, 1985 - up to the present.

The first period includes the 1920s, when there was an accumulation of material on the problem, and the sequence of events of the Civil War on the territory of the Kuban was relatively reliably stated, since most of the authors were direct participants in these historical events.

Some authors (Y. Shafir, V. Vasilenko, N. Baturin, Golubev, M.S. Svechnikov, V.A. Antonova-Ovseenko and others) reflected only individual events and facts of the revolutionary history of the Civil War in the Kuban; others (G. Ladokha, N. Yanchevsky, B. Gorodetsky, A. Platonov and others) covered them as a whole. The most significant works of this period are the works of G. Ladokha and N. Yanchevsky.

Works of leaders white movement A. Denikin, A. Lukomsky, G. Pokrovsky, P. Wrangel, published in exile, are not only memoir sources for the presented study, but also an integral part of the historiography of the Civil War. Among them, especially significant, in addition to the memoirs of A.I. Denikin Essays on Russian Troubles , memoirs of the former commander-in-chief of the Peasant militia of the Committee for the Liberation of the Black Sea Governorate N.V. Voronovich, highlighting the causes of the emergence and activities of the peasant movement in the Kuban region.

The second period - 1930 - early 1950s. - was marked by a strictly limited ideological framework prescribed for historical science by the Stalinist totalitarian-bureaucratic regime, when the methodological basis of all research on national history became History of the All-Union communist party(Bolsheviks). Short Course.

At this time, new works by I.M. Razgona and Ya.N. Raenko. The purpose of their study was the region of the North Caucasus, and not a special study of the revolution and the Civil War in the Kuban and the Black Sea.

The third period (1955 - early 1980s) is characterized by a wide scope of research in various directions with the involvement of new sources from local archives declassified in the years thaw . Of considerable interest is the work of I.P. Osadchy, in which the author examined the events and driving forces of the Civil War on the territory of the Kuban region from positions traditional for the Soviet period. Since the second half of the 1960s. until the mid 1980s historical research there is a return to the dominance of the official ideology, but at the same time, the problems of research on the Civil War in the Kuban continue to expand.

The fourth period of historiography continues from 1985 to the present. Previously unknown archival materials, as well as diaries, letters, memoirs and other personal sources of participants in the warring parties are widely introduced into scientific circulation. Early 90s. there was a separation of the history of the white movement into an independent subject of study. At the same time, an active study of the theme of the peasant movement in various regions of Russia began.

Summing up, it should be noted that throughout the Soviet period, the selection of historical topics was determined by the pressure of state ideology. At the same time, regional history was inevitably subjected to this influence. The conducted historiographic review allows us to conclude that the formulation and study of the topic of this study allows us to give a more complete and objective picture of the Civil War in the Kuban.

The purpose of the work is to study the regional features of the Civil War on the territory of the Kuban in 1917-1922.

The research objectives are as follows:

Show the origins and prerequisites of civil confrontation in the Kuban;

Explore the nature of the dynamics and forms of civil confrontation at each stage;

To study the evolution of the socio-ideological essence of insurgent activity, the forms of the population's reactions to its manifestations, the results of its influence;

Provide a comprehensive and holistic picture of the results of the civil confrontation in the Kuban.

Source base. The topic under study is provided by a variety of sources. Among them are party and state documents, materials of Soviet bodies, statistical data, periodicals, eyewitness memories.

Methodological basis of the course work. The work uses traditional scientific principles historicism. The methodological principle of historicism makes it possible to study the Civil War taking into account the specific historical conditions of that time. The principles of scientific reliability and objectivity make it possible to comprehensively study the material used. Of great methodological importance is a systematic approach, which makes it possible to most fully study the nature, alignment, and correlation of the contending forces.

Work structure. The course work consists of an introduction, three sections, a conclusion, a list of sources and literature used.

Section I. Socio-economic relations on the eve of the Civil War

Russia in the twentieth century experienced several terrible wars. The two world wars were the longest and bloodiest. But along with the world wars, the most difficult for the fate of the country was the Civil War, which grew out of the First World War and two revolutions. AT Russian history internal confrontation has always caused the weakening of the state and brought suffering to millions of people.

Any war is terrible, but the Civil War is a particularly terrible phenomenon. The search for an enemy from outside is moving inward. The concepts of "friend or foe" lose their former definition, and then everyone can turn out to be an "enemy", and the criteria for "friend or foe" are constantly changing and expanding. Disregard for human life firmly established in the public mind.

The civil war, in which the solution of all problems by "tough measures" logically fit into the special mentality that developed during the war, the bearers of which were primarily those who themselves participated in the hostilities, had an impact on the economic, political, cultural post-war life.

In the region under study, the social composition of the belligerents had its own specifics. The Kuban Cossacks, non-residents and peasants, as well as representatives of the mountain peoples inhabiting the North Caucasus, turned out to be direct participants in the internecine confrontation, the specificity of which was manifested both in the multi-ethnic composition of the population and in the multi-caste nature of the participants in the intrastate armed confrontation. National diversity and the entire socio-economic way of life in the region gave rise to great differences in everyday life, culture and traditions.

The Cossacks, once a symbol of freedom and freedom, eventually became one of the estates of the Russian Empire. The revolutionary events of 1917 did not bypass the Cossack regions. Like Russia as a whole, the Cossacks found themselves at a crossroads. The main issue of political life was the question of choosing a further path of development, which ultimately led to a fratricidal massacre. At the same time, the revolution and the Civil War not only split the country, but rather emphasized and revealed the contradictions that existed within Russian society as a whole and the Cossack regions as its component.

The factors that had an important impact on the course and outcome of the Civil War include, in particular, the stratification within the Cossacks and their relationship with the nonresident population of the Cossack regions. One of the main reasons for the participation of the majority of the Cossacks in the war on the side of the anti-Bolshevik forces was the desire to preserve their privileges. However, the duality of their position lay in the fact that, while defending their estate privileges, the Cossacks struggled with such remnants of feudalism as estate duties. Apparently, this was one of the factors that initially the bulk of the Cossacks took a neutral attitude towards the Bolshevik authorities.

The Bolsheviks' promise to stop the hard, devastating world war, which weighed heavily on the Cossacks, who bore the brunt of it, had a particularly great influence on the Cossacks. Therefore, the Cossack units that came from the front, supporting the Bolsheviks' slogan of peace, did not prevent the establishment of Soviet power in the Cossack regions.

The Bolsheviks enjoyed the greatest sympathy among the poorest sections of the Cossacks. The benevolent attitude of the Cossacks towards the Soviet government was also facilitated by the fact that the long separation from the economic situation due to being at the front to some extent declassed part of the Cossacks, dulling the instinct of the small owner. However, having initially staked on the out-of-town population, the Bolshevik government prompted them to actively campaign for the redistribution of land. And here the Cossacks, who did not want to part with their class privileges, could not stand aside.

In every corner of the former Russian Empire, the fratricidal war proceeded according to its own scenario and with its own specifics. In the Cossack lands, it took place in a peculiar form and forms. The very essence of the Kuban Cossacks is contradictory: it consisted of disparate groups, different in their cultural and mental content.

During the entire period of the Civil War, the following antagonism was observed: linemen and Black Sea people. And if we add insurmountable contradictions between the Cossacks and non-residents, then the situation will become even more complicated. And all this eventually led to a difficult and tragic denouement in 1918-1920. The war in the Kuban greatly changed life in the Cossack villages: “The old people held on steadfastly, but the youth, propagandized at the fronts, rushing to their villages, carried with them the spirit of decay, and in a Cossack, in a tunic unbelted in a khaki color, it was no longer possible to recognize the recent dashing horseman and natural arrow-plaster".

The main problem of the Civil War is its lack of clear boundaries. By boundaries we mean this case the division of the belligerents into two groups: “ours” and “enemies”. Who in a fratricidal war is "one's own" is a very serious and ambiguous question. So in his memoirs D.E. Skobtsov cites a very terrible episode from the time of the civil war: “An uncle from the “whites” went to the steppe along with a “red” nephew - the last (nephew) returned home alive and triumphant, and the lifeless uncle was brought on a wagon by the horses themselves, who knew the way to the house well . The uncle has a fatal wound in the back of the head from a bullet from his nephew's revolver. None of the relatives of the murdered man even dared to give a hint about the investigation of this case. Such killings, as well as other manifestations of cruelty and violence, have become the norm.

The revolution and the Civil War in the South of Russia was complicated by a terrible battle for land and power between the Cossacks and non-residents. areas, in the Black Sea region and in areas of accumulation of non-resident farmers. Former farmhand I.P. Vyrostkov left curious testimonies about this: “In our time there were no such conditions, non-residents could not study in the same school with the Cossacks, just as a Negro in the USA cannot study with a white. For non-residents in the village there was the only parochial school, and even that was not for everyone. That is why among the nonresident population in the village 90% were illiterate.” Krestyanin A.P. Light successfully shows the relationship between these two warring factions: “The population of the Kuban was brought up hostile to non-residents, and persons seen in revolutionary activities were called antichrists, god-sellers, rebels, and vigilantly watched the appearance, in their name, of suspicious personalities.”

One of the main reasons for the participation of the majority of the Cossacks in the war on the side of the anti-Bolshevik forces was the desire to preserve their privileges. However, the duality of their position lay in the fact that, while defending their estate privileges, the Cossacks struggled with such remnants of feudalism as estate duties. Apparently, this was one of the factors that initially the bulk of the Cossacks took a neutral attitude towards the Bolshevik authorities.

The Bolsheviks' promise to stop the hard, devastating world war, which weighed heavily on the Cossacks, who bore the brunt of it, had a particularly great influence on the Cossacks. Therefore, the Cossack units that came from the front, supporting the Bolsheviks' slogan of peace, did not prevent the establishment of Soviet power in the Cossack regions. The Bolsheviks enjoyed the greatest sympathy among the poorest sections of the Cossacks. The benevolent attitude of the Cossacks towards the Soviet government was also facilitated by the fact that the long separation from the economic situation due to being at the front to some extent declassed part of the Cossacks, dulling the instinct of the small owner.

However, having initially staked on the out-of-town population, the Bolshevik government prompted them to actively campaign for the redistribution of land. And here the Cossacks, who did not want to part with their class privileges, could not stand aside.

The regional government, trying not to aggravate relations with non-residents and the poorest part of the Cossacks, in every possible way delayed the solution of the agrarian problem. The nonresident part of the population at first put up with this situation. So, at the congress of representatives from the settlements of the Kuban region, the faction of non-residents adopted an appeal to the Kuban Rada and military units, in which it brought to their attention that “it does not intend to make any claims to the Cossack share lands and to the Cossack military property, being convinced that the Constituent the assembly will find an opportunity to meet the urgent needs of the non-resident population of the region, without violating the interests of the working Cossacks.

However, the propaganda activities of the Bolsheviks, Mensheviks, Socialist-Revolutionaries and the October events of 1917 contributed to the activation of the out-of-town population.

In December 1917, the 2nd regional congress of representatives of the Cossacks, non-residents and highlanders of the Kuban decided to cancel the planted payment. In February 1918, under pressure from the poorest Cossacks and part of the nonresident population, the Kuban Regional Rada was forced to publish a "Draft Rules on the Settlement of Land and Agricultural Relations in the Kuban Region." But this could no longer prevent performances from other cities. Unauthorized seizures and redistribution of land began throughout the region. The Executive Committee of the Soviets of the Kuban region declared the Kuban Regional Rada and the Kuban government illegal.

Parts of the 39th Infantry Division and detachments of local revolutionary forces launched an offensive aimed at overthrowing the Kuban government. Despite the unfolding events, the Cossacks for the most part took a wait-and-see attitude. This is confirmed by the facts that it allowed the dispersal of the Small Military Circle in Novocherkassk, the expulsion of the Kuban Regional Rada and the government from Ekaterinodar, and the occupation of its territories Soviet troops, which was resisted mainly by parts of the nascent Volunteer Army.

The origins of the neutrality of the Cossacks quite accurately reveals in his memoirs A.I. Denikin: “The mood of the Don Cossacks has become clearer. They do not understand at all either Bolshevism or "Kornilovism". They agree with our explanations, but they seem to have little faith. Well-fed, rich and, apparently, would like to benefit from both the "white" and the "red" movement. Both ideologies are now still alien to the Cossacks, and most of all they are afraid of getting involved in internecine strife. This statement is also true for the Kuban Cossacks.

The attitude of the Cossacks towards the Soviet government in late 1917 - early 1918 is recorded in the memoirs of many eyewitnesses of those events, in particular A.P. Bogaevsky: "Poisoned by propaganda at the front, combatant Cossacks calmly waited for Soviet power, sincerely or not believing that this is the real people's power, which they, ordinary people, will do nothing wrong. And that she would destroy the former bosses - the ataman, generals, officers, and, by the way, the landowners, and to hell with them ... In general, the mood of the entire Cossacks in the mass differed little from the general mood of the Russian peasantry: the Cossacks had not yet experienced all charms of Soviet governance... The rest "kept neutrality".

Despite the fiery speeches of General L.G. Kornilov, the Cossacks did not join the ranks of the Volunteer Army. It was no less indifferent to calls to join the Kuban army, created by the Kuban regional government.

During the period from spring to autumn 1918, in the Don and Kuban, there was a transition from supporting Soviet power by the poorest Cossacks, including front-line Cossacks, with the neutrality of the bulk of the middle peasants, to speaking out against the Bolsheviks of the majority of the Cossack population.

Often the struggle for land was dressed up in class or national costumes, but in its essence it was always an expression of the contradictions between the poor and the rich, the haves and the have-nots, it was irreconcilable, antagonistic and class. The poorest strata of the peasantry were naturally the ally of the proletariat, but in the greater mass of the population they prevailed numerically only in mountainous areas, in the Black Sea region and in areas of accumulation of nonresident farmers. In the Cossack and indigenous class, they constituted a significant minority. The growth of the polar poles - poor and rich - occurred due to the erosion of the middle part of the farms. The rich get richer by exploiting the poor, regardless of class.

There was no unity among the Cossacks: it was divided according to property and ideological components. Here is how F.I. Marushko: “Front-line soldiers returned from the fronts of military battles with Germany and Turkey: Cossacks and soldiers (from other cities). The scouts walked on foot from the Albashi station to the village in half-worn, dilapidated uniforms and in worn, holey shoes with an empty bag on their backs and a haggard look. The cavalrymen were more taut, in tolerable-looking Cossack uniforms, in polished boots without holes, sat on staggering, downcast combat horses with sunken sides and half-empty bags strapped to the saddle. Already in these lines, the heterogeneity of the Cossacks is clearly visible.

The Cossack estate and the Cossack community were constantly and steadily eroded and decomposed. The indoctrination of the Cossacks played a significant role in such transformations. There was a division along ideological lines. Two opposing factions stood out: the Lineians (pro-Russian) and the Chernomorians (independence). It was the struggle between them that was decisive in the defeat of the volunteer army and the white movement as a whole.

The struggle for land in the region was distinguished by a complex and intriguing character. It was one of those most important prerequisites which predetermined the appropriate alignment of class forces.

The civil war split the already heterogeneous population of the Kuban region into even smaller components. White and red Cossacks appeared, there were also green ones. Nonresidents also did not have unity in their ranks, and the intelligentsia was in the same state. And to this it is worth adding the unstable position of the mountain peoples.

The meaning of the Civil War, in all its tragedy, was conveyed by M.A. Bulgakov in his work "Future Prospects". In a few lines, he described all the sad consequences of this “damned fratricidal slaughter”: “And while there, in the West, the machines of creation will knock, machine guns will knock from edge to edge of the country. The madness of the last two years has pushed us onto a terrible path, and there is no stopping for us, no respite. We have begun to drink the cup of punishment and we will drink it to the end. There, in the West, countless electric lights will sparkle, pilots will drill into the conquered air, there they will build, explore, print, study ... And we ... We will fight. For there is no power that can change it. We will conquer our own capitals. And we will conquer them."

Thus, by 1917, very complex socio-economic, national and political relations had developed in the region. Class contradictions stuck together in a tight knot with national and class contradictions. The full-length revolution faced the difficult task of unwinding this tangle. Supporters of the revolution had in front of them strong and numerous enemies in the region, distinguished by solidarity and organization.

The entire course of previous development prepared the ground in the province for sharp clashes between the opposing forces, for a fierce class struggle at all stages of the revolution.

Section II. The main events of the Civil War in the Kuban

The political situation of the spring-summer of 1917 in Russia with light hand IN AND. It was customary to characterize Lenin as the "dual power" of the Provisional Government and the Soviets. In the Kuban region, as well as in the entire Cossack South-East, there was a fundamentally different balance of forces, which General A.I. Denikin in his memoirs called "triarchy". In addition to those mentioned in the Kuban, there was another really serious force - the Cossack class authorities.

The news of the overthrow of the autocracy did not lead to the immediate removal of the old authorities in the Kuban and the Black Sea region. The head of the Kuban region, ataman of the Kuban Cossack army, General M.P. Babych declared submission to the Provisional Government and continued to "lead" the region. In the departments and villages of the Kuban, Ataman rule and Cossack self-government were preserved. At the same time, new authorities began to form in the cities of the region and province: civil committees, committees of public salvation, and soviets.

On March 1917, from among the representatives of the Mensheviks, Socialist-Revolutionaries and Bolsheviks, the executive committee (executive committee) of the first Yekaterinodar Council of Workers' Deputies in the North Caucasus was elected. Soon the executive committee of the Council also included Cossacks and soldiers, and it became known as the Council of Workers', Soldiers' and Cossacks' Deputies. Since the Provisional Government transferred all local powers to civil committees, the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries, in addition to the Soviets, where they dominated, actively participated in their work. So, in Yekaterinodar, the city council was headed by the Menshevik D.F. Sverchkov, the chairman of the civil committee was the Social Revolutionary with Turutin, in Novorossiysk the Soviet was headed by the Menshevik B.O. Prokhorov, a similar picture was observed in other large settlements of the Kuban and the Black Sea. But the Cadets had the predominant influence in the civil committees. It was the representatives of the "party of people's freedom", as the constitutional democrats called themselves, that the Provisional Government sent to the localities as its commissars. In this role, on March 16, 1917, a Cossack deputy IV State Duma cadet K.L. Bardizh, who was immediately elected chairman of the temporary Kuban Regional Executive Committee. Cadet N.N. was appointed Commissioner of the Provisional Government in the Black Sea Governorate. Nikolaev. On March 26, management in both territories officially passed to the commissars of the Provisional Government, and by Bardizh's decree, the last Kuban ataman, Babych, was dismissed "due to illness, with a uniform and a pension."

The first major disagreements between Cossacks and non-residents manifested themselves at the regional congress of authorized settlements of the Kuban region, held in Yekaterinodar from April 9 to April 18, 1918. More than a thousand people arrived at it: representatives of villages, villages and farms, auls, as well as delegates from various parties (mainly Socialist-Revolutionaries) and public organizations. The congress confirmed the powers of the civil committees as organs of the new government, but did not extend their functions to the Cossack population, for whom ataman rule was preserved.

Thus, the existence of two parallel structures for managing the region was fixed. Instead of a temporary Kuban executive committee, the congress elected a regional Soviet headed by an executive committee, which included two Cossacks and non-residents from each of the seven departments of the region and four highlanders. However, the congress could not reach an agreement on the management of the region, granting the non-military population equal rights with the Cossacks, and settled land disputes. Having confirmed the rights of the Cossacks to share lands and military property, the congress postponed the adoption of a final decision until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly.

In the Kuban, the all-Russian stalemate situation was repeated: “only the Constituent Assembly is competent to decide the issue of land, it can be convened only after the end of the war, the war is to a victorious end.” But a quick end to the war, let alone a victorious one, was not foreseen. In this situation, from April 17 to April 22, a congress of representatives of the villages of the Kuban region was held in Yekaterinodar. On the very first day, its delegates proclaimed the creation of a military Rada and a provisional military government. It included Cossacks - members of the Kuban Regional Executive Committee and those who were elected by the Rada itself. N.S. became the Chairman of the Rada. Ryabovol, and the government was headed by Colonel A.P. Filimonov. Some of the deputies of the Rada from among the wealthy Black Sea Cossacks, to whom Ryabovol also belonged, were supporters of the “independent” path of development of the Kuban as part of the “Nenka of Ukraine”. Representatives of the land-poor linear Cossacks traditionally gravitated towards Russia. Among them was the chairman of the first Kuban government, A.P. Filimonov, future military ataman. During the entire period of the existence of the Rada, there was a political struggle between these groups, which did not subside even in exile.

The contradiction between the Cossacks and non-residents grew, which manifested itself in the spring at the regional congress of peasant and Cossack representatives, intensified by the summer. Events in the Kuban developed ahead of the all-Russian ones, and according to a different scenario: on July 2, members of the Kuban military government left the meeting of the regional executive committee, two days later the military Rada declared the Kuban Regional Council dissolved, and on July 9, the Commissioner of the Provisional Government Bardizh transferred to her full power in the region. The Rada immediately proceeded to liquidate the local Soviets. In the stanitsa sentences, their executive committees were recognized as "undesirable" and disbanded.

Thus, if in the center of the country on July 4 the period of dual power ended with the transfer of power into the hands of the Provisional Government, then in the Kuban the Cossack administration began to play the first violin. Neither the "tops" nor the "bottoms" of the Kuban Cossacks, both at the front and in the rear, supported the August speech of General JI.G. Kornilov. The first understood that his victory could lead to the loss of democratic institutions acquired by the army after the February Revolution (elected military ataman, revived Rada, own Cossack government). The threat of restoring the former command and control system frightened the emerging Cossack political elite no less than the specter of Bolshevism. In the course of the Kuban people there was a saying: "We are not Bolsheviks and not Cadets, we are neutral Cossacks." In the Kuban, "the Cadets, after they supported Korinlov, began to be called all" counter-revolutionaries ". According to the leader of the constitutional democrats P.N. Milyukov, the very word "Cadet" became a curse among the people long before the Soviet of People's Deputies declared the Cadet party to be the party of "enemies of the people."

After the defeat of the Kornilov uprising, the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks also lost their positions in the political arena to the Bolsheviks. In the newly elected regional Soviet in September, the Bolsheviks held two-thirds of the votes, while in its executive committee the Mensheviks and the Socialist-Revolutionaries received only one seat each. Petrograd Bolshevik I.I. became the chairman of the Kuban regional executive committee. Yankovsky, the Yekaterinodar Council elected the Cossack Bolshevik Ya.V. Poluyan from the village of Elizavetinskaya. The Bolsheviks managed to get half of the seats in the Armavir Soviet, strengthen their positions in the Tuapse, Maikop, Novorossiysk and a number of other Soviets. The second regional Rada, which met on September 24 - October 14, that is, even before the armed uprising in Petrograd, on October 7 adopted the first constitution of the Kuban "Temporary basic provisions on the highest authorities in the Kuban region." On its basis, management in the region was transferred to the regional Rada, which was to be elected by the “eligible” population: Cossacks, highlanders and indigenous peasants. At the same time, non-residents, who had less than three years of residence, and workers were deprived of the right to vote. The "Regulations" provided that from among its members, the regional Rada forms the legislative Rada and elects the military ataman.

The executive power was exercised by the regional government, consisting of a chairman and ten members. Three places were allocated to representatives of the non-Cossack population, including one - to the representative of the highlanders. Thus, not only the military class, but also the rest of the population of the region fell under the jurisdiction of the Kuban regional legislation. At the same time, non-residents, together with workers, were infringed on their voting rights and, in fact, were not admitted to the legislative and executive power. Naturally, in the region where the Cossacks were a minority of the population, the adoption of such a constitution was perceived as an act of a coup d'état.

The socialist parties sounded the alarm about the creation of an "aristocratic republic" in the Kuban. As in July, the Kuban legislators anticipated the development of events in Petrograd, preparing a Cossack republic as an alternative to the not yet proclaimed state of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Its "intra-estate" democracy was in no way combined with authoritarianism in relation to the rest of the population of the region. And this became especially obvious after receiving news from Petrograd about the establishment of the workers' and peasants' Soviet power.

The proposal of the Kuban Bolsheviks to recognize the authority of the Council of People's Commissars and abolish martial law, but at the same time demonstrated to the Cossack politicians that continuing to ignore the interests of the nonresident population means repeating the Russian experience. In the face of the threat of Bolshevization, the Rada and the government made a forced compromise. The consequence of this was the unification of the Kuban Rada in December with a smaller part of the split second regional congress of nonresident peasantry. The second regional congress of representatives of Cossacks, non-residents and highlanders, who gathered in the Winter Theater, declared the non-recognition of the authority of the Council of People's Commissars. A united legislative Rada was immediately elected with an equal representation (45 people each) of Cossacks and non-residents, as well as a coalition government (5 people each). From the mountain population, 8 representatives and 1, respectively, were elected. At the same time, the Rada reduced the electoral qualification for non-resident residents to two years and decided that one of the ataman's assistants should be appointed from among them. In the parity government L.L. Bych, all five ministerial portfolios that went to non-residents were received by socialists - 4 Socialist-Revolutionaries and a Menshevik. In addition, in the recent past, both Bych himself and the Minister of Agriculture D.E. Skobtsov participated in the socialist movement.

Thus, the new Kuban coalition government has moved significantly to the left. But this political move was very late, and given the sad fate of the Provisional Government, it was completely doomed to failure. The delegates of the second regional congress of out-of-town and labor Cossacks demanded the transfer of all power into the hands of the Soviets. The congress decided to recognize the Council of People's Commissars, at the same time adopting a resolution "On the organization of power in the Kuban" and canceling all decisions of the Rada and the government. Meanwhile, in the Black Sea province, events developed according to the all-Russian scenario.

The first settlement on its territory, in which the Soviet power won, was the city of Tuapse. On November 3, power peacefully passed to the Tuapse MRC (military revolutionary committee). On November 23, a congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies of the Black Sea Governorate met in Novorossiysk. A week later, power in the province passed to the Central Executive Committee (Central Executive Committee) of the proclaimed Black Sea Soviet Republic. Another outpost of the revolution in the region was the units of the 39th Infantry Division, which arrived in the Kuban from the Caucasian front in an organized manner and was stationed along the Armavir-Kavkazskaya-Tikhoretskaya railway line. Equipped with non-residents called up from the Kuban region, the division played the role of a "Trojan horse" in the rear of the Kuban Rada. It was in Armavir - the first of the cities of the Kuban - on January 2, 1918, Soviet power was established. A month and a half later, the first Congress of Soviets of the Kuban Region was held here under the chairmanship of the Bolshevik Ya.V. Poluyan.

Only the capital of Kuban remained in the hands of the regional government. The decision to capture Ekaterinodar was made at a meeting of representatives of the Revolutionary Committees and Soviets of the Kuban on January 17, 1918 in the village of Krymskaya. The Kuban Regional Military Revolutionary Committee (VRK) elected there, headed by Poluyan, sent a telegram to the regional government with a proposal to surrender the city without a fight. Having warned that if there would be “shedding of blood, the blame will be on you”, the Military Revolutionary Committee sent parliamentarians to Yekaterinodar. However, the ataman and the Rada did not respond to the proposal of the Revolutionary Committee, and the parliamentarians died. The Red Guards of the Black Sea province were more resolute, having made two armed attempts to "export the revolution" to the Kuban.

January detachments of the chairman of the Novorossiysk Revolutionary Committee, Junker A.A. Yakovlev side of Enem launched the first assault on the capital of the Kuban. Volunteer officers of the military foreman P.A. Galaev and captain V.L. Pokrovsky was defeated by scattered forces of the Reds. Commander Yakovlev himself and his deputy S.N. were killed in this battle. Perov. On January 24, at Georgie-Afipskaya, the second expedition of the Novorossiysk Red Guards (under the command of the ensign of the Social Revolutionary I.A. Seradze) was defeated. Among the Kubans, the military foreman Galaev died in this clash. The glory of the winner of the "Bolshevik gangs" went to one Pokrovsky, who was immediately promoted to colonel by the Rada and appointed commander of the troops of the Kuban Territory. The creation of volunteer officer detachments was a necessary measure, since the ataman and the government could not rely on the front-line Cossack units returning to the Kuban. Moreover, the head of the regional government L.L. Bych was forced to admit that the front-line soldiers "made their own, and moreover, a big one, contribution in terms of accelerating the process of Bolshevization." He was echoed by General M.V. Alekseev, who wrote that "the Kuban Cossacks are morally decomposed." Indeed, at the end of 1917, it was not the “daring Cossacks” of the jingoistic propaganda of 1914 that returned from the front, but the soldiers-workers tired of the unsuccessful war and yearning for the land.

After eight months of fruitless promises by the Provisional Government, in the first decrees of the Bolsheviks, they saw what they had long been waiting for: peace and land. In the trenches of the “Germanic” the attitude of the Cossacks towards the non-resident peasants, who pulled along with them the burden of the hateful military service, also changed. The war changed the psychology and behavior of the front-line Cossacks. These "children of the war" were fundamentally different from the "fathers" who remained in the rear - the stanitsa. On March 14, 1918, the Red troops under the command of the former centurion I.L. Sorokin was occupied by Yekaterinodar. The expelled Rada and the government under the protection of V.L. Pokrovsky was looking for meetings with the Volunteer Army of General L.G. Kornilov.

As in August 1917, the Kuban politicians again had to choose between two dictatorships - red and white. This time real threat Bolshevism pushed the Rada to the other extreme - to the camp of the White movement. On February 23, 1918, the Volunteer Army, having left Rostov-on-Don, entered the Kuban, trying to find mass support here to fight the Bolsheviks. However, these hopes were not destined to come true. “The Kuban people were waiting,” General A.I. later recalled. Denikin. The villages, with rare exceptions, did not provide significant replenishment. Fighting off the advancing enemy, constantly maneuvering and making up to 60 miles a day, the army fought its way to Yekaterinodar.

The key day in the history of the campaign was the day of March 28, when the "volunteers" of Kornilov and the Pokrovsky detachment united near the village of Novo-Dmitrievskaya. The Kuban campaign was called "Ice". On April 9, the battles for Yekaterinodar began. The combined forces of the Volunteer Army numbered, according to various estimates, from 6 to 9 thousand soldiers. They were opposed by 20 thousand Red Guards under the general command of the former cornet A.I. Avtonomov and practically the entire working population of the city. During the fighting, the volunteers lost about a thousand people, and the defenders lost twice as many. It seemed that the victory of the volunteers was close, but neither the capture of the village of Pashkovskaya, nor even the breakthrough to Sennaya Square brought them the expected success.

The outcome of the battle was a foregone conclusion on the morning of April 13, when L.G. was killed by a shell fragment. Kornilov. A.I., who took command Denikin, taking advantage of the miscalculation of the leadership of the Red Army of the North Caucasus, who did not organize the pursuit of the Volunteer Army, took the remnants of his units to the Salsky steppes, where he began to prepare for a new campaign against the Kuban. The defeat of the volunteers in the First Kuban campaign was not an accident. Nadezhdam L.G. Kornilov to create a "nationwide militia", similar to the militia of 1612, was not destined to come true. According to the bitter confession of A.I. Denikin, “the army in its very embryo harbored a deep organic flaw, acquiring a class character. There is no need that its leaders came from among the people, that for the most part the officers were democratic... populace mistrust and fears ... ". Indeed, the creators and leaders of the Volunteer Army Alekseev, Kornilov and Denikin, although they were tsarist generals, in literally"come out of the people." Thus, Adjutant General Mikhail Vasilyevich Alekseev was the son of an officer who had served as a sergeant major and was a participant in the Sevastopol defense. Infantry General Lavr Georgievich Kornilov was born into the family of a retired cornet of the Siberian Cossack army. And, finally, Lieutenant General of the General Staff Anton Ivanovich Denikin is the son of a simple soldier who rose to the rank of major of the border guards. “Blue” noble blood did not flow in their veins, they did not own estates and fortunes. They were loyal soldiers of the Russia that they were deprived of in 1917. At the same time, Russia was getting acquainted with the deceptive fruits of the Bolshevik slogans.

Finally convened in January 1918, the Constituent Assembly "the master of the Russian land" was immediately dispersed by the Bolsheviks, the long-awaited peace turned into a civil war, the land and freedom promised to the peasants - by committees of the poor and surplus appropriations. In the Kuban, inter-class antagonism was added to the class antagonism: representatives of the poorest Cossacks and nonresident peasantry who came to power demanded an equal redistribution of land in favor of the majority of the population. Under these conditions, the Volunteer Army under the command of General A.I. Denikin took part in the Second Kuban Campaign. Parts of the Red Army of the North Caucasus fought stubborn battles, having managed in late July - early August 1918 to stop the enemy in the area from Korenovskaya to Vyselki. This success was prematurely regarded by the Central Executive Committee of the North Caucasian Republic as a complete defeat of the Whites.

Meanwhile, the volunteers once again managed to take Korenovskaya and launch an offensive against Yekaterinodar. The inconsistency of actions and disagreements between the Soviet, party and military leadership led to the fact that a single decision on the defense of Yekaterinodar was not made. Although after the start of the fighting on August 14, the village of Pashkovskaya changed hands several times, at the end of August 16, the last detachments of the Reds left Ekaterinodar, since their main forces had already retreated beyond the Kuban. At two o'clock in the morning on August 17, the Kornilov regiment of the Volunteer Army entered the city. Without using their numerical superiority and the advantages of defense at such a natural boundary as the Kuban River, the Red troops retreated to Armavir and further to Nevinnomysskaya and Pyatigorsk. The decisive role in the victory of Denikin's army was played by the Kuban Cossacks, who responded to the order of the government and the ataman to draft ten ages of Cossacks into the army.

At the end of 1919, the contradictions between the Rada and the command of the Armed Forces of the South of Russia (VSYuR) reached their apogee. But the fate of the Kuban was now decided on the fronts of the Civil War. In late February - early March 1920, a turning point occurred during the fighting in the North Caucasian direction. Contrary to the reassuring saying of the Whites "Winter is yours, summer is ours", which was confirmed by their victories in the campaigns of 1918, 1919, the command of the Red Army went on the offensive. Decisive battles unfolded on the borders of the Don and Kuban near the village of Yegorlykskaya and the village of Belaya Glina. On February 25, 1920, during a bloody battle, in which up to 15 thousand red and 10 thousand white horsemen took part, Denikin's main striking force, the Cossack cavalry, was defeated. On March 1, units of the 1st Cavalry, 9th and 10th armies went on the offensive.

To avoid complete defeat, the White Guards began to retreat: the Volunteer Corps - in the Kushchev direction, the Don Army - in the Tikhoretsk direction, the Kuban army - in the Novorossiysk direction. At dawn on March 17, 1920, units of the 9th Army under the command of I.P. Uborevich began an assault on the capital of the Kuban. The regiments of the 22nd Army were the first to enter the northern outskirts of the city. rifle division S.P. Zakharov. Horse Corps D.P. Rednecks captured Pokrovka, Dubinka, Train Station and crossing the Kuban. General A.G. Shkuro wrote: “I personally saw the shameful abandonment of Ekaterinodar. Entire divisions, drunk on looted alcohol and vodka, flee without a fight from enemy patrols. The units covering Yekaterinodar are also fleeing criminally ... Thousands of wagons have been abandoned, a lot of valuable property. Shame and shame on the Cossacks ... I swear that I will slaughter the entire suburb of Dubinka for the uprising. white army compared to the one that Yekaterinodar saw in the spring of 1918 during its assault by volunteers L.G. Kornilov - the heroes of the Ice Campaign. The destruction was complete.

In the Ekaterinodar area, more than 20 thousand prisoners, about 20 guns, more than 100 machine guns, 20 thousand rifles, 5 million 600 thousand cartridges, 300 thousand shells, 4 armored trains, 3 airplanes were captured. On the day of the liberation of Yekaterinodar, newspapers reported that the Red Army had entered Armavir. On March 22, units of the 1st Cavalry Army entered Maykop, which had been handed over to a detachment of the Red Army of the Black Sea the day before by the ataman of the Maikop department. On the night of March 27, 1920, the 22nd division entered Novorossiysk from the north, and units of the Black Sea Red Army from the west. On May 2, in the Adler region, the 60,000-strong Kuban army of General V. I. Morozov capitulated.

The last echoes of the Civil War were heard in the Kuban in the second half of August 1920. The landing troops under the command of General S.G. Ulagaya began hostilities in the Primorsko-Akhtarskaya area, on the Taman Peninsula and near Novorossiysk. The "Army of the Revival of Russia" under the command of General M.A. Fostikova. However, some of his detachments were scattered by divisions of the 9th Army and units special purpose(CHON) even before the landing in the Kuban. On August 18, the main landing group captured the villages of Bryukhovetskaya and Timashevskaya, creating a bridgehead for a breakthrough to Yekaterinodar. But it was not possible to develop success, since the Kuban Cossacks evaded mobilization in every possible way. During the week-long battles on August 24 - 30, the troops of the 9th Kuban Army M.K. Lewandowski, reinforced by reserves, defeated the landing force. On August 31, the Wrangel troops began the evacuation from Achuev, which ended on September 7. At the same time, the detachments of General M.A. were finally defeated. Fostikov, who on August 21-24 tried to attack Armavir.

The insurgent movement played an important role in the development of events in the Kuban and the Black Sea region. With late spring In 1920, the peasant and Cossack rebellion was called the white-green movement. In general, the white-greens are anti-Soviet units that could unite the entire broad front of parties and class groups that were opposed to the Bolsheviks. As a result, the white-green movement included representatives from moderate parties (mainly Social Revolutionaries) to right-wing parties (traditionalist monarchists). In terms of class, the rebels were represented by Cossacks, non-residents, and Black Sea peasants (there were not only workers). Thus, white-green - these are the remnants of political forces, during the end of 1918 - spring 1920 that were at war with each other.

The Whites were supporters of the monarchy and relied on the officers, the former administration of the Volunteer Army and a significant number of Cossacks. The Greens, on the other hand, were the spokesmen for the idea of ​​"land and freedom" and relied on the peasantry. By itself, the white-green rebellion did not represent single organization, but was united by the Bolsheviks only because of their hostility-opposition towards the Soviet regime.

Beginning in 1920, the white and green movements tried to maintain neutrality in their relations. As already noted, on the territory of the Kuban, the main role was played by the Cossack opposition to the Soviet government, which was active in 1920-1922. Usually, the long period from the birth to the formation of the insurrection in the Kuban passed extremely quickly. In May 1920, the Kuban Cossacks returned to their homeland in columns of prisoners of war, acting as part of the troops of the Caucasian coast. By this time, the population of the Kuban had already appreciated the activities of the Soviet government, and by mid-May 1920, the Cheka began to receive information about the formation of white-green groups.

The process of creating the first rebel detachments was hampered by one circumstance - the new government carried out the complete disarmament of the villages on the territory of the Kuban. This forced the population to seek a compromise with the Soviet authorities, not finding it, a significant part of the population went into the forests, floodplains and mountains. The first insurgent detachments were created during the uprisings caused by the food requisitioning, anti-church policy of the state, as well as pressure on the Cossacks themselves.

Almost all Cossack rebel detachments were created spontaneously, and much of their further activity depended on the abilities of their commanders. Rebel detachments in the Kuban must be divided into two types: a one-day detachment and a classic detachment. The differences concerned the timing of their existence. Almost all units went through the stage of rearmament, as they often began their activities with pikes, pitchforks and axes. This stage is a significant test of the combat effectiveness of the insurgent detachment, and the first major losses accompanied the detachment precisely at this time. If a detachment at this stage was destroyed by the enemy and dispersed, then it should be considered a one-day detachment incapable of organizing partisan activity.

The detachment became a classic after rearmament. Such a detachment received some permanence. After the rearmament, the rebel detachment was engaged in providing itself with food and a base. The place for the future insurgent base was chosen with special care. It took into account such factors as the advantageous location, that is, the equidistance of the base from the nearest settlements, the possibility of movement both on horseback and on foot, and the impassability to the base. In addition to the main base, several more spare ones were provided.

In combat activities, the detachments behaved differently, it depended on the number of rebels and their weapons. So, the insurgent detachment of the cornet Ryabokon, numbering from 18 to 25 bayonets and sabers, left for night raids in groups of 3-5 people. and attacked in different places. This was done in order to create the illusion of a large number of rebels. The rebels of the cornet Karasyuk and others also acted.

The rebels also used all sorts of military tricks, among which special success used the unfolding of horseshoes on horse hooves. This often misled representatives law enforcement agencies. Such a trick was used by the rebels from the detachment of the cornet Ryabokon. The Red Army soldiers joked that the Ryabokons ride backwards.

Thus, the activities and life of the rebel detachments in the Kuban have their own characteristics associated with local conditions, the use of rebel methods of struggle and tactics.

The reasons for the termination of the white-green rebellion were: the repressive activities of the Soviet government aimed at eradicating the rebellion (hostage taking, mass executions, concentration camps); the desire of the insurgent peasantry to preserve at least what the Bolsheviks had not yet taken away, that is, to preserve material values; war weariness. Soviet propaganda in the fight against the white-greens did not become the reason for the end of the rebellion. So, in 1922, 609 rebels were killed, caught or surrendered on the Black Sea coast, of which only 1 voluntarily surrendered. This is evidence of the insurgents' distrust of Soviet power.

In 1920, white-green detachments numbering from several hundred to several tens of thousands of people operated on the territory of the Kuban region. One of the most numerous is the Russian Renaissance Army under the command of General Fostikov. The insurgent units were armed with machine guns and artillery, although the number of the latter was not significant. The main goal of the rebel detachment was active hostilities aimed at capturing the entire territory of the Kuban in order to spread the uprising in the future throughout the entire territory of Russia.

The insurrectionary movement in the Kuban in 1920 was generally characterized by the tactics of infantry and cavalry combat operations. Often the rebels tried to hold settlements in their hands, since in the villages it was possible to get food and recruit replenishment. In 1921, the insurgency was somewhat reduced. At the same time, dozens of detachments with an average strength of 100 bayonets or sabers with one machine gun are operating in the Kuban. The rebellion suffered significant losses in the fight against the Soviet authorities, but, nevertheless, tried to capture Krasnodar.

Throughout the period 1920-1922. The insurgency manifested itself most actively during the warm season, that is, from late spring to mid-autumn. The rest of the year the insurrection was not of a regular nature. The reasons for the defeat of the rebel movement in the Kuban were a tough repressive policy towards not only the rebels, but also their supporters.

Insurgent activity in 1920-1922 in the Kuban manifested itself in all its diversity. Here there were murders of Soviet and communist activists, clashes with shock groups of the Kuban-Black Sea Cheka, special forces, police and army teams. Already after the removal of martial law in the Kuban, the Bolsheviks finished off the last pockets of white-green resistance.

Thus, fighting in the Kuban and the Black Sea were completed. The civil war entered its final phase, when only scattered "white-green" detachments fought against the Soviet regime. In November - December 1920, Soviet power was finally established throughout the Kuban and the Black Sea

Section III. Consequences of the Civil War in the Kuban

The national economy of the Kuban after the civil war was in a catastrophic situation. The production of industrial goods in comparison with pre-revolutionary times decreased by 8-10 times, and agriculture - by 50 times.

The fight against devastation became the main task with the end of the war.

The restoration of industry was conceived primarily as the restoration of the pre-war material and technical level.

On April 1920, the Central Board of State Enterprises, the cement industry of the Supreme Council of National Economy decided to start the actual nationalization of the enterprises of the Caucasus.

The 1920 census recorded 11,389 enterprises throughout the Kuban-Chernomorsk region with a total number of 57,096 people employed in them, of which 35,264 (60%) were workers. Almost half of these enterprises were inactive, the equipment fell into complete disrepair or was worn out up to 40%.

One of the first to be examined was the Yeysk cement - alabaster plant "Pioneer" - in early May 1920. The conclusion of the commission was as follows: the plant is dilapidated, there is no roof over several buildings, only wooden rafters stick out, window frames, doors are knocked out, the iron beams of interfloor concrete ceilings are badly bent, two furnaces are completely destroyed. Therefore, the Yeisk City Executive Committee decided to transfer the remaining equipment to the warehouse of the local SNK, and transfer most of the buildings and the entire territory of the enterprise with an area of ​​​​about 8 acres to the health department for the construction of a resort.

The former Kubanol and Armalit large engineering plants switched to the production of small household items - stoves, iron stoves, axes, plowshares and pumps.

From 1923, the restoration of agriculture proceeded rapidly, and the sown areas grew noticeably (in 1927 they amounted to 89.3% of the 1913 level). In 1923, the created “Khleboprodukt” prepared 47,011 pounds in the Yeysk department of bread forage, oil - seeds, cake, etc., and in 1925, 110,625 pounds were prepared from a plan of 125 thousand for a year in 9 months.

In the 1920s, in the Kuban village, the process of folding a mixed economy of a commodity-market type was going on. As a result of the land reform of 1923 - 1927. conditions were created to increase productivity, use new technology- As a result, there is a rapid development of the cooperative network, an increase in the number of collective farms.

The decline in industrial production, the decline of agriculture and the liquidation of many institutions led to massive unemployment. Only downsizing in the early 1920s brought up to 54% of the unemployed in the Kuban. The situation returned to normal only under the NEP. The 14th Party Congress, held in December 1925, defined the industrialization of the country as the general line in the struggle for the victory of socialism in the USSR, the 15th Party Congress, held on December 2-19, 1927, issued a directive - to carry out in the coming years the cooperation of the poorest peasantry and the bulk middle peasants.

The Economic Council submitted a promising five-year plan for the industrialization of the North Caucasus Territory for consideration. The Kuban district park conference determined the tasks of the district party organization in the implementation of socialist industrialization. Already in 1927, the curtailment of the NEP began. In the future, the wave of dispossession covers 13-15% of Kuban families.

d. a general meeting of like-minded poor and middle peasants of the village of Dolzhanskaya decide to organize a collective farm with the name "According to the precepts of Ilyich." The collective farm "Lenin's Way" is organized from the same farms in Art. Yasenskaya. In order to produce vegetables and fruits for processing enterprises in Yeysk, the "Soviet Economy" is organized - later on the state farm named after. Michurin. Gradually there is a strengthening of totalitarian control of all spheres of society. The acceleration of collectivization began to manifest itself especially clearly in the summer of 1929.

Grain procurement depletes the stocks of farms (up to 40% of the withdrawal of products in the Kuban). As of September 1930, the Commune im. The 26th Leningrad Regiment completed grain procurements by 101.05%, but in the ESNX - by 100%, by state insurance - by 100%, by the loan "Five Year Plan in 4 Years" - by 135%. Collective farms from the first steps fell into complete dependence on the state.

In the absence of growth in the gross grain harvest, state procurements grew, and grain exports also increase. Bread was sometimes confiscated in vain, not even leaving a seed fund. Unsatisfactory cultivation of the land, crop failure as a result of drought further exacerbated the situation. Cases of filing applications for withdrawal from collective farms began - as in Art. Kopanka filed 400 such applications.

Only the resolution of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks and the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR of April 2, 1930 on the reduction of the total amount of the single agricultural tax for collective farmers and their release from a number of debts suspended this process: the Molot newspaper of April 9, 1930 (No. 2606) reported on a wide discussion of it in the Yeisk region, on the approval of its collective farmers and individual farmers of the village of Yasenskaya.

By the summer of 1931, collectivization in the region was completed, the collective farm system won over the territory of the entire North Caucasian district. (The Adygei Autonomous Region was the first to finish it. Already in the autumn sowing campaign of 1930, the number of collectivized farms reached 90% of the total number of farms in the Adygea Region.) However, the drought of 1932 did not allow the implementation of the state grain procurement plan. The so-called "kulak sabotage" was investigated by Extraordinary Commission Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU (b). Thirteen villages were listed on the "black board". This meant the cessation of the supply of goods, the curtailment of all forms of trade, the cessation of lending, the early collection of all financial obligations, and the purge of "hostile elements." There were arrests of "enemies", early recovery of loans, export of goods from stores, 63.5 thousand Kubans were evicted to the northern regions, 16 thousand Kubans were repressed.

Thus, 1932 - 1933. famine broke out in the Kuban. “Hunger brought people to a terrible, sometimes brutal state,” recalled a veteran from Yeychan V. Pushchin. At this time, 40-60% of the inhabitants died in a number of villages. The harvest of 1933 made it possible to get out of the created crisis.

Conclusion

civil war kuban rebel

Summing up the consideration of the events of the civil war in the Kuban, one can note the complexity and often inconsistency of the political aspirations of the main warring parties and draw the following conclusions: - the development of events in 1917-1920 in the Kuban is distinguished by its own specifics. It consists in active action the Cossack factor, as a result of which power in the Kuban already in July 1917 passed into the hands of the Kuban military (then regional) government and the Kuban regional Rada.

Trying to strengthen its power, the Rada creates a coalition government with the socialists, which lasted only two months - until the establishment of Soviet power in the Kuban. The first period of Soviet construction in the Kuban took place in conditions of constant military danger - both from the volunteer army and from the German army; the ill-conceived policy of the Soviet leadership towards the Cossacks led to the transition of the Kuban Cossacks from neutrality in the civil war to support of Denikin in the summer and autumn of 1918 and ultimately to the fall of Soviet power in August 1918 - the period from August 1918 to early 1920. - relatively peaceful in the history of the civil war in the Kuban, since the fighting took place mainly outside its borders. At the same time, it is characterized by ever-increasing contradictions between the Kuban authorities and Denikin, as the Kuban regional government and the Kuban Rada are trying to follow their own "third" path in the revolution.

The inability of both sides to find a compromise became one of the main reasons for the expulsion of opponents of Soviet power from the Kuban in the spring of 1920 - the inconsistent and often very tough policy of the administration of the Armed Forces of the South of Russia towards the peasantry led to the emergence and growth of a mass "red-green" movement, at first directed both against the Volunteer Army and against the Soviet government, but then switched to an alliance with the latter, which contributed to its restoration in the Kuban in the spring of 1920 - the bulk of the nonresident peasantry and the proletariat took a pro-Soviet position.

Thus, the result of the Civil War in the Kuban was devastation. People were left homeless, without work. The war dealt a blow not only to the able-bodied population, but also to the younger generation: many children became orphans, they did not receive appropriate upbringing and education, a significant part of them became homeless children.

A noticeable consequence of the internecine war was mass emigration. Not only culture and art were drained of blood, but also industry, as there were many highly qualified specialists among those who left. As a result, the new government faced big problems in restoring industrial production.

As a result of the war, the economy suffered very seriously. The volume of agricultural production decreased by 40%, plants and factories suffered, many of them closed themselves due to a lack of raw materials or workers, and sometimes due to the collapse of markets for their products. On average, industrial production decreased by five times.

As a result of the victory in the civil war, the Bolsheviks managed to preserve statehood, sovereignty and territorial integrity. The victory of the Bolsheviks in the civil war led to the curtailment of democracy, the dominance of a one-party system, when the party ruled on behalf of the people, on behalf of the party the Central Committee, the Politburo and, in fact, the General Secretary or his entourage. As a result of the civil war, not only were the foundations of a new society laid, its model was tested, but the tendencies that led the country to western way civilizational development.

List of used sources and literature

Sources

Insurrectionary Movement on the Territory of the North Caucasian Military District // Red Army. - 1921. - No. 2.

Yanchevsky N. Civil War in the North Caucasus. - Rostov/D, 1927. 3. Likhnitsky N.T. Class struggle and kulaks in the Kuban. - Rostov / D, 1931.

Komsomol youth: Memoirs of the first Kuban Komsomol members / Comp. T.N. Bagratyan. - Krasnodar, 1965.

The beginning of a long journey: Memoirs of the Komsomol members of the 20s / Comp. T.P. Glek, F.A. Palkin. - Krasnodar, 1980.

Osadchiy I.P. For the Power of the Working People: A Historical and Documentary Essay on the Struggle for Power of the Soviets in the Kuban and the Black Sea Region (1917-1920). - Krasnodar, 1987.

Kuban Cheka: Kuban security agencies in documents and memoirs / Comp. N.T. Panchishkin, V.V. Gusev, N.V. Sidorenko. Under total Ed. E.L. Vorontsov. - Krasnodar, 1997.

Zhupikova E. The insurrectionary movement in the North Caucasus in 1920-1925: Documentary publications and the latest domestic historiography // Domestic History. -2004. - No. 2;

Baranov A.V. The insurrectionary movement of the "white-green" in the Cossack regions of the South of Russia (1920-1924) // White Guard. 2005. - No. 8;

Cherkasov A.A. Kuban-Black Sea insurrectionary movement (1920-1922): a brief description // Past Years. - 2006. - No. 2;

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Kakurin N.E. How did the revolution fight? - Moscow, 1990. T. 1. - S. 164.

Pokrovsky G. Denikinshchina. Year of Politics and Economics in the Kuban (1918-1919). Kharkov, 1926. - S. 15.

Denikin A.I. Campaign and death of General Kornilov. Budberg A. Diary 1918-1919. - Moscow, 1990. - S. 108.

Bogaevsky A.P. 1918 // White business: Ice campaign. - Moscow, 1993. P. 27.

Lekhovich D.V. White versus red. The fate of General Anton Denikin. - Moscow, 1992. - S. 202.

Gordeev A.A. History of the Cossacks. - Moscow, 1993. - S. 225.

Krasnov P.N. The All-Great Don Army //White Cause: Don and the Volunteer Army. - Moscow, 1992. - S. 32.

Venkov A.V. Wrangel and the Cossacks // Revival of the Cossacks: history and modernity. - Novocherkassk, 1994. - S. 89.

Civil War: Materials on the history of the Red Army. - Moscow, 1923-1924. - S. 460.

Denikin A.I. Essays on Russian Troubles. The struggle of General Kornilov (August 1917 - April 1918). T. 2. book. 2. - Moscow, 2005. - S. 514.

Denikin A.I. Essays on Russian Troubles. The struggle of General Kornilov. In 3 books. T. 2. Book. 2. - Moscow, 2005. - S. 602.

Bordyugov G.A. White business: ideology, foundations of regimes of power. Historiographical essays. - Moscow, 1998. - S. 260.

Brovkin V.N. Russia in the Civil War: power and social forces/ V.N. Brovkin // Questions of history. - 1994. - No. 5. - P.29-30.

Venkov A.V. Anti-Bolshevik movement in the south of Russia at the initial stage of the civil war /A.V. Venkov. - Rostov-on-Don, 1995. - S. 314.

Galin V.V. Intervention and civil war. - Moscow, 2004. - S. 358.

Dzidzoev V.D. White and Red Terror in the North Caucasus in 1917-1918 - Vladikavkaz, 2000. -S. 172 .

Ermolin A.P. Revolution and the Cossacks (1917-1920). - Moscow, 1982. - S. 180.

Kozlov A.I. At the historical turn / A.I. Kozlov.- Rostov-on-Don, 1977. - S. 428.

Kozlov A.I. From Revolutionary Committees to Soviets in the Kuban / A.I. Kozlov. - Maykop, 1989. - S. 224.

Kutsenko I.Ya. History pages. Civil war in the Kuban. Problems of methodology \ I.Ya. Kutsenko. - Krasnodar, 1991. - S. 228.

Login V.T. Military historical sources, their classification, research principles / V.T. Login. - Moscow, 1971. - S. 240.

Novikova L.G. Civil War in Russia / L.G. Novikova // Patriotic history. 2005. No. 6. - P. 142 - 158;

Perekhov Ya.A. Power and the Cossacks: the search for consent (1920-1926) / Ya.A. Perehov. - Rostov-on-Don, 1997. - S. 220.

Polikarpov V.D. The initial stage of the civil war / V.D. Polikarpov. - Moscow, 1980. - S. 390.

Polyakov Yu.A. Search for new approaches in the study of the history of the civil war in Russia // Russia in the XX century: Historians of the world argue / I.Ya. Kutsenko. - M., 1994. - S. 280-288.

Yanchevsky N.L. Civil struggle in the North Caucasus. T.1. / N.L. Yanchevsky. - Rostov-on-Don, 1927.

The political situation of the spring-summer of 1917 in Russia with the light hand of V.I. It was customary to characterize Lenin as the "dual power" of the Provisional Government and the Soviets. In the Kuban region, as well as in the entire Cossack South-East, there was a fundamentally different balance of forces, which General A.I. Denikin in his memoirs called "triarchy". Denikin A.I. Essays on Russian Troubles. The struggle of General Kornilov (August 1917 - April 1918). T. 2. book. 2. - Moscow, 2005. - S. 518. In addition to those mentioned in the Kuban, there was another really serious force - the Cossack class authorities.

The news of the overthrow of the autocracy did not lead to the immediate removal of the old authorities in the Kuban and the Black Sea region. The head of the Kuban region, ataman of the Kuban Cossack army, General M.P. Babych declared submission to the Provisional Government and continued to "lead" the region. Brovkin V.N. Russia in the Civil War: Power and Social Forces / V.N. Brovkin // Questions of history. - 1994. - No. 5. - P.29-30 In the departments and villages of the Kuban, Ataman rule and Cossack self-government were preserved. At the same time, new authorities began to form in the cities of the region and province: civil committees, committees of public salvation, and soviets.

March 2, 1917 from the representatives of the Mensheviks, Socialist-Revolutionaries and Bolsheviks was elected to the executive committee (executive committee) of the first in the North Caucasus Ekaterinodar Council of Workers' Deputies. Soon the executive committee of the Council also included Cossacks and soldiers, and it became known as the Council of Workers', Soldiers' and Cossacks' Deputies. Since the Provisional Government transferred all local powers to civil committees, the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries, in addition to the Soviets, where they dominated, actively participated in their work. So, in Yekaterinodar, the city council was headed by the Menshevik D.F. Sverchkov, the chairman of the civil committee was the Social Revolutionary with Turutin, in Novorossiysk the Soviet was headed by the Menshevik B.O. Prokhorov, a similar picture was observed in other large settlements of the Kuban and the Black Sea. Gordeev A.A. History of the Cossacks. - Moscow, 1993. - S. 227. But the Cadets had the predominant influence in the civil committees. It was the representatives of the "party of people's freedom", as the constitutional democrats called themselves, that the Provisional Government sent to the localities as its commissars. In this role, on March 16, 1917, a Cossack deputy of the IV State Duma, cadet K.L., arrived in Yekaterinodar. Bardizh, who was immediately elected chairman of the temporary Kuban Regional Executive Committee. Cadet N.N. was appointed Commissioner of the Provisional Government in the Black Sea Governorate. Nikolaev. On March 26, management in both territories officially passed to the commissars of the Provisional Government, and by Bardizh's decree, the last Kuban ataman, Babych, was dismissed "due to illness, with a uniform and a pension." Civil War: Materials on the history of the Red Army. - Moscow, 1923-1924. - S. 460

The first major disagreements between Cossacks and non-residents manifested themselves at the regional congress of authorized settlements of the Kuban region, held in Yekaterinodar from April 9 to April 18, 1918. More than a thousand people arrived at it: representatives of villages, villages and farms, auls, as well as delegates from various parties (mainly Socialist-Revolutionaries) and public organizations. The congress confirmed the powers of the civil committees as organs of the new government, but did not extend their functions to the Cossack population, for whom ataman rule was preserved.

Thus, the existence of two parallel structures for managing the region was fixed. Instead of a temporary Kuban executive committee, the congress elected a regional Soviet headed by an executive committee, which included two Cossacks and non-residents from each of the seven departments of the region and four highlanders. However, the congress could not reach an agreement on the management of the region, granting the non-military population equal rights with the Cossacks, and settled land disputes. Having confirmed the rights of the Cossacks to share lands and military property, the congress postponed the adoption of a final decision until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly. Brovkin V.N. Russia in the Civil War: Power and Social Forces / V.N. Brovkin // Questions of history. - 1994. - No. 5. - P.29-30.

In the Kuban, the all-Russian stalemate situation was repeated: “only the Constituent Assembly is competent to decide the issue of land, it can be convened only after the end of the war, the war is to a victorious end.” But a quick end to the war, let alone a victorious one, was not foreseen. In this situation, from April 17 to April 22, a congress of representatives of the villages of the Kuban region was held in Yekaterinodar. On the very first day, its delegates proclaimed the creation of a military Rada and a provisional military government. It included Cossacks - members of the Kuban Regional Executive Committee and those who were elected by the Rada itself. N.S. became the Chairman of the Rada. Ryabovol, and the government was headed by Colonel A.P. Filimonov. Some of the deputies of the Rada from among the wealthy Black Sea Cossacks, to whom Ryabovol also belonged, were supporters of the “independent” path of development of the Kuban as part of the “Nenka of Ukraine”. Representatives of the land-poor linear Cossacks traditionally gravitated towards Russia. Among them was the chairman of the first Kuban government, A.P. Filimonov, future military ataman. During the entire period of the existence of the Rada, there was a political struggle between these groups, which did not subside even in exile. Venkov A.V. Anti-Bolshevik movement in the south of Russia at the initial stage of the civil war / A.V. Venkov. - Rostov-on-Don, 1995. - S. 314.

The contradiction between the Cossacks and non-residents grew, which manifested itself in the spring at the regional congress of peasant and Cossack representatives, intensified by the summer. Events in the Kuban developed ahead of the all-Russian ones, and according to a different scenario: on July 2, members of the Kuban military government left the meeting of the regional executive committee, two days later the military Rada declared the Kuban Regional Council dissolved, and on July 9, the Commissioner of the Provisional Government Bardizh transferred to her full power in the region. The Rada immediately proceeded to liquidate the local Soviets. Polikarpov V.D. The initial stage of the civil war / V.D. Polikarpov. - Moscow, 1980. - S. 390. In the stanitsa sentences, their executive committees were recognized as "undesirable" and dissolved.

Thus, if in the center of the country on July 4 the period of dual power ended with the transfer of power into the hands of the Provisional Government, then in the Kuban the Cossack administration began to play the first violin. Neither the "tops" nor the "bottoms" of the Kuban Cossacks, both at the front and in the rear, supported the August speech of General JI.G. Kornilov. The first understood that his victory could lead to the loss of democratic institutions acquired by the army after the February Revolution (elected military ataman, revived Rada, own Cossack government). The threat of restoring the former command and control system frightened the emerging Cossack political elite no less than the specter of Bolshevism. In the course of the Kuban people there was a saying: "We are not Bolsheviks and not Cadets, we are neutral Cossacks." Galin V.V. Intervention and civil war. - Moscow, 2004. - P. 358 In the Kuban, "the Cadets, after they supported Korinlov, they began to call all" counter-revolutionaries ". According to the leader of the constitutional democrats P.N. Milyukov, the very word "Cadet" became a curse among the people long before the Soviet of People's Deputies declared the Cadet party to be the party of "enemies of the people."

After the defeat of the Kornilov uprising, the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks also lost their positions in the political arena to the Bolsheviks. In the newly elected regional Soviet in September, the Bolsheviks held two-thirds of the votes, while in its executive committee the Mensheviks and the Socialist-Revolutionaries received only one seat each. Petrograd Bolshevik I.I. became the chairman of the Kuban regional executive committee. Yankovsky, the Yekaterinodar Council elected the Cossack Bolshevik Ya.V. Poluyan from the village of Elizavetinskaya. Yanchevsky N.L. Civil struggle in the North Caucasus. T.1. / N.L. Yanchevsky. - Rostov-on-Don, 1927. The Bolsheviks managed to get half of the seats in the Armavir Soviet, strengthen their positions in Tuapse, Maikop, Novorossiysk and a number of other Soviets. The second regional Rada, which met on September 24 - October 14, that is, even before the armed uprising in Petrograd, on October 7 adopted the first constitution of the Kuban "Temporary basic provisions on the highest authorities in the Kuban region." In the same place, on its basis, management in the region was transferred to the regional Rada, which was to be elected by the “eligible” population: Cossacks, highlanders and indigenous peasants. At the same time, non-residents, who had less than three years of residence, and workers were deprived of the right to vote. The "Regulations" provided that from among its members, the regional Rada forms the legislative Rada and elects the military ataman.

The executive power was exercised by the regional government, consisting of a chairman and ten members. Three places were allocated to representatives of the non-Cossack population, including one - to the representative of the highlanders. Perekhov Ya.A. Power and the Cossacks: the search for consent (1920-1926) / Ya.A. Perehov. - Rostov-on-Don, 1997. - P. 220 Thus, not only the military estate, but also the rest of the population of the region fell under the jurisdiction of the Kuban regional legislation. At the same time, non-residents, together with workers, were infringed on their voting rights and, in fact, were not admitted to legislative and executive bodies. Naturally, in the region where the Cossacks were a minority of the population, the adoption of such a constitution was perceived as an act of a coup d'état.

The socialist parties sounded the alarm about the creation of an "aristocratic republic" in the Kuban. As in July, the Kuban legislators anticipated the development of events in Petrograd, preparing a Cossack republic as an alternative to the not yet proclaimed state of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Its "intra-estate" democracy was in no way combined with authoritarianism in relation to the rest of the population of the region. And this became especially obvious after receiving news from Petrograd about the establishment of the workers' and peasants' Soviet power.

The news of the fall of the Provisional Government led to the introduction of martial law in the region, which, along with the measures taken the day before, allowed the Kuban government to keep the situation under control. November 1, 1917, under the chairmanship of N.S. Ryabovol opened the first session of the Kuban Legislative Rada. The army government was replaced by the regional government, its chairman instead of A.P. Filimonov became one of the leaders of the Black Sea L.L. Bych The first regional congress of people from other cities, which was held on the same days, rejected it. . Novikova L.G. Civil War in Russia / L.G. Novikova // Patriotic history. 2005. No. 6. - S. 142 - 158.

The proposal of the Kuban Bolsheviks to recognize the authority of the Council of People's Commissars and abolish martial law, but at the same time demonstrated to the Cossack politicians that continuing to ignore the interests of the nonresident population means repeating the Russian experience. In the face of the threat of Bolshevization, the Rada and the government made a forced compromise. The consequence of this was the unification of the Kuban Rada in December with a smaller part of the split second regional congress of nonresident peasantry. The second regional congress of representatives of Cossacks, non-residents and highlanders, who gathered in the Winter Theater, declared the non-recognition of the authority of the Council of People's Commissars. A united legislative Rada was immediately elected with an equal representation (45 people each) of Cossacks and non-residents, as well as a coalition government (5 people each). From the mountain population, 8 representatives were elected, respectively, and 1. Kutsenko I.Ya. History pages. Civil war in the Kuban. Problems of methodology I.Ya. Kutsenko. - Krasnodar, 1991. - S. 228. At the same time, the Rada reduced the electoral qualification of residence of non-residents to two years and decided that one of the ataman's assistants should be appointed from among them. In the parity government L.L. Bych, all five ministerial portfolios that went to non-residents were received by socialists - 4 Socialist-Revolutionaries and a Menshevik. In addition, in the recent past, both Bych himself and the Minister of Agriculture D.E. Skobtsov participated in the socialist movement. Ibid

Thus, the new Kuban coalition government has moved significantly to the left. But this political move was very late, and given the sad fate of the Provisional Government, it was completely doomed to failure. The delegates of the second regional congress of out-of-town and labor Cossacks demanded the transfer of all power into the hands of the Soviets. The congress decided to recognize the Council of People's Commissars, at the same time adopting a resolution "On the organization of power in the Kuban" and canceling all decisions of the Rada and the government. Meanwhile, in the Black Sea province, events developed according to the all-Russian scenario.

The first settlement on its territory, in which the Soviet power won, was the city of Tuapse. On November 3, power peacefully passed to the Tuapse MRC (military revolutionary committee). On November 23, a congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies of the Black Sea Governorate met in Novorossiysk. A week later, power in the province passed to the Central Executive Committee (Central Executive Committee) of the proclaimed Black Sea Soviet Republic. Another outpost of the revolution in the region was the units of the 39th Infantry Division, which arrived in the Kuban from the Caucasian front in an organized manner and was stationed along the Armavir-Kavkazskaya-Tikhoretskaya railway line. Equipped with non-residents called up from the Kuban region, the division played the role of a "Trojan horse" in the rear of the Kuban Rada. Kozlov A.I. From Revolutionary Committees to Soviets in the Kuban / A.I. Kozlov. - Maykop, 1989. - S. 224. It was in Armavir - the first of the cities of the Kuban - on January 2, 1918, Soviet power was established. Ermolin A.P. Revolution and the Cossacks (1917-1920). - Moscow, 1982. - S. 180. A month and a half later, the first Congress of Soviets of the Kuban Region was held here under the chairmanship of the Bolshevik Ya.V. Poluyan.

Only the capital of Kuban remained in the hands of the regional government. The decision to capture Ekaterinodar was made at a meeting of representatives of the Revolutionary Committees and Soviets of the Kuban on January 17, 1918 in the village of Krymskaya. Yanchevsky N. Civil War in the North Caucasus. - Rostov / D, 1927; The Kuban Regional Military Revolutionary Committee (VRK) elected there, headed by Poluyan, sent a telegram to the regional government with a proposal to surrender the city without a fight. Having warned that if there would be “shedding of blood, the blame will be on you”, the Military Revolutionary Committee sent parliamentarians to Yekaterinodar. However, the ataman and the Rada did not respond to the proposal of the Revolutionary Committee, and the parliamentarians died. The Red Guards of the Black Sea province were more resolute, having made two armed attempts to "export the revolution" to the Kuban.

On January 22, the detachments of the chairman of the Novorossiysk Revolutionary Committee, Junker A.A. Yakovlev side of Enem launched the first assault on the capital of the Kuban. Volunteer officers of the military foreman P.A. Galaev and captain V.L. Pokrovsky was defeated by scattered forces of the Reds. Commander Yakovlev himself and his deputy S.N. were killed in this battle. Perov. On January 24, at Georgie-Afipskaya, the second expedition of the Novorossiysk Red Guards (under the command of the ensign of the Social Revolutionary I.A. Seradze) was defeated. Among the Kubans, the military foreman Galaev died in this clash. The glory of the winner of the "Bolshevik gangs" went to one Pokrovsky, who was immediately promoted to colonel by the Rada and appointed commander of the troops of the Kuban Territory. The creation of volunteer officer detachments was a necessary measure, since the ataman and the government could not rely on the front-line Cossack units returning to the Kuban. Denikin A.I. Essays on Russian Troubles. The struggle of General Kornilov (August 1917 - April 1918). T. 2. book. 2. - Moscow, 2005. - S. 514. Moreover, the head of the regional government L.L. Bych was forced to admit that the front-line soldiers "made their own, and moreover, a big one, contribution in terms of accelerating the process of Bolshevization." He was echoed by General M.V. Alekseev, who wrote that "the Kuban Cossacks are morally decomposed." Indeed, at the end of 1917, it was not the “daring Cossacks” of the jingoistic propaganda of 1914 that returned from the front, but the soldiers-workers tired of the unsuccessful war and yearning for the land.

After eight months of fruitless promises by the Provisional Government, in the first decrees of the Bolsheviks, they saw what they had long been waiting for: peace and land. In the trenches of the “Germanic” the attitude of the Cossacks towards the non-resident peasants, who pulled along with them the burden of the hateful military service, also changed. The war changed the psychology and behavior of the front-line Cossacks. These "children of the war" were fundamentally different from the "fathers" who remained in the rear - the stanitsa. On March 14, 1918, the Red troops under the command of the former centurion I.L. Sorokin was occupied by Yekaterinodar. The expelled Rada and the government under the protection of V.L. Pokrovsky was looking for meetings with the Volunteer Army of General L.G. Kornilov. Denikin A.I. Campaign and death of General Kornilov. Budberg A. Diary 1918-1919. - Moscow, 1990. - S. 108.

As in August 1917, the Kuban politicians again had to choose between two dictatorships - red and white. This time, the real threat of Bolshevism pushed the Rada to the other extreme - to the camp of the White movement. On February 23, 1918, the Volunteer Army, having left Rostov-on-Don, entered the Kuban, trying to find mass support here to fight the Bolsheviks. However, these hopes were not destined to come true. “The Kuban people were waiting,” General A.I. later recalled. Denikin. The villages, with rare exceptions, did not provide significant replenishment. Fighting off the advancing enemy, constantly maneuvering and making up to 60 miles a day, the army fought its way to Yekaterinodar. Ibid

The key day in the history of the campaign was the day of March 28, when the "volunteers" of Kornilov and the Pokrovsky detachment united near the village of Novo-Dmitrievskaya. The Kuban campaign was called "Ice". Bogaevsky A.P. 1918 // White business: Ice campaign. - Moscow, 1993. S. 27. On April 9, the battles for Yekaterinodar began. The combined forces of the Volunteer Army numbered, according to various estimates, from 6 to 9 thousand soldiers. They were opposed by 20 thousand Red Guards under the general command of the former cornet A.I. Avtonomov and practically the entire working population of the city. During the fighting, the volunteers lost about a thousand people, and the defenders lost twice as many. It seemed that the victory of the volunteers was close, but neither the capture of the village of Pashkovskaya, nor even the breakthrough to Sennaya Square brought them the expected success.

The outcome of the battle was a foregone conclusion on the morning of April 13, when L.G. was killed by a shell fragment. Kornilov. A.I., who took command Denikin, taking advantage of the miscalculation of the leadership of the Red Army of the North Caucasus, who did not organize the pursuit of the Volunteer Army, took the remnants of his units to the Salsky steppes, where he began to prepare for a new campaign against the Kuban. The defeat of the volunteers in the First Kuban campaign was not an accident. Nadezhdam L.G. Kornilov to create a "nationwide militia", similar to the militia of 1612, was not destined to come true. According to the bitter confession of A.I. Denikin, “the army in its very embryo harbored a deep organic flaw, acquiring a class character. There is no need that its leaders came from the people, that the officers for the most part were democratic ... The stamp of class selection fell firmly on the army and gave ill-wishers a reason to arouse mistrust and fears against it among the masses of the people ... ". Denikin A.I. Essays on Russian Troubles. The struggle of General Kornilov. In 3 books. T. 2. Book. 2. - Moscow, 2005. - S. 602. Indeed, the creators and leaders of the Volunteer Army Alekseev, Kornilov and Denikin, although they were tsarist generals, literally "came out of the people." Thus, Adjutant General Mikhail Vasilyevich Alekseev was the son of an officer who had served as a sergeant major and was a participant in the Sevastopol defense. Infantry General Lavr Georgievich Kornilov was born into the family of a retired cornet of the Siberian Cossack army. . Bordyugov G.A. White business: ideology, foundations of regimes of power. Historiographical essays. - Moscow, 1998. - S. 260 And, finally, Lieutenant General of the General Staff Anton Ivanovich Denikin - the son of a simple soldier who rose to the rank of major of the border guards. “Blue” noble blood did not flow in their veins, they did not own estates and fortunes. They were loyal soldiers of the Russia that they were deprived of in 1917. At the same time, Russia was getting acquainted with the deceptive fruits of the Bolshevik slogans.

Finally convened in January 1918, the Constituent Assembly "the master of the Russian land" was immediately dispersed by the Bolsheviks, the long-awaited peace turned into a civil war, the land and freedom promised to the peasants - by committees of the poor and surplus appropriations. In the Kuban, inter-class antagonism was added to the class antagonism: representatives of the poorest Cossacks and nonresident peasantry who came to power demanded an equal redistribution of land in favor of the majority of the population. Under these conditions, the Volunteer Army under the command of General A.I. Denikin took part in the Second Kuban Campaign. Parts of the Red Army of the North Caucasus fought stubborn battles, having managed in late July - early August 1918 to stop the enemy in the area from Korenovskaya to Vyselki. This success was prematurely regarded by the Central Executive Committee of the North Caucasian Republic as a complete defeat of the Whites. Dzidzoev V.D. White and Red Terror in the North Caucasus in 1917-1918 - Vladikavkaz, 2000. -S. 172

Meanwhile, the volunteers once again managed to take Korenovskaya and launch an offensive against Yekaterinodar. The inconsistency of actions and disagreements between the Soviet, party and military leadership led to the fact that a single decision on the defense of Yekaterinodar was not made. Although after the start of the fighting on August 14, the village of Pashkovskaya changed hands several times, at the end of August 16, the last detachments of the Reds left Ekaterinodar, since their main forces had already retreated beyond the Kuban. At two o'clock in the morning on August 17, the Kornilov regiment of the Volunteer Army entered the city. Without using their numerical superiority and the advantages of defense at such a natural boundary as the Kuban River, the Red troops retreated to Armavir and further to Nevinnomysskaya and Pyatigorsk. Ermolin A.P. Revolution and the Cossacks (1917-1920). - Moscow, 1982. - S. 180. The decisive role in the victory of Denikin's army was played by the Kuban Cossacks, who responded to the order of the government and the ataman to draft ten ages of Cossacks into the army.

At the end of 1919, the contradictions between the Rada and the command of the Armed Forces of the South of Russia (VSYuR) reached their apogee. But the fate of the Kuban was now decided on the fronts of the Civil War. In late February - early March 1920, a turning point occurred during the fighting in the North Caucasian direction. Contrary to the reassuring saying of the Whites "Winter is yours, summer is ours", which was confirmed by their victories in the campaigns of 1918, 1919, the command of the Red Army went on the offensive. Kozlov A.I. From Revolutionary Committees to Soviets in the Kuban / A.I. Kozlov. - Maykop, 1989. - S. 224. Decisive battles unfolded on the borders of the Don and Kuban near the village of Yegorlykskaya and the village of Belaya Glina. On February 25, 1920, during a bloody battle, in which up to 15 thousand red and 10 thousand white horsemen took part, Denikin's main striking force, the Cossack cavalry, was defeated. On March 1, units of the 1st Cavalry, 9th and 10th armies went on the offensive.

To avoid complete defeat, the White Guards began to retreat: the Volunteer Corps - in the Kushchev direction, the Don Army - in the Tikhoretsk direction, the Kuban army - in the Novorossiysk direction. At dawn on March 17, 1920, units of the 9th Army under the command of I.P. Uborevich began an assault on the capital of the Kuban. The regiments of the 22nd Rifle Division S.P. were the first to enter the northern outskirts of the city. Zakharov. Horse Corps D.P. Rednecks captured Pokrovka, Dubinka, the railway station and the crossing over the Kuban. General A.G. Shkuro wrote: “I personally saw the shameful abandonment of Ekaterinodar. Entire divisions, drunk on looted alcohol and vodka, flee without a fight from enemy patrols. The units covering Yekaterinodar are also fleeing criminally ... Thousands of wagons have been abandoned, a lot of valuable property. Shame and disgrace to the Cossacks... I swear that I will slaughter the entire suburb of Dubinka for the uprising. The White Army has changed so dramatically compared to the one that Yekaterinodar saw in the spring of 1918 during its assault by volunteers L.G. Kornilov - the heroes of the Ice Campaign. The destruction was complete. Denikin A.I. Campaign and death of General Kornilov. Budberg A. Diary 1918-1919. - Moscow, 1990. - S. 108.

In the Ekaterinodar area, more than 20 thousand prisoners, about 20 guns, more than 100 machine guns, 20 thousand rifles, 5 million 600 thousand cartridges, 300 thousand shells, 4 armored trains, 3 airplanes were captured. On the day of the liberation of Yekaterinodar, newspapers reported that the Red Army had entered Armavir. On March 22, units of the 1st Cavalry Army entered Maykop, which had been handed over to a detachment of the Red Army of the Black Sea the day before by the ataman of the Maikop department. On the night of March 27, 1920, the 22nd division entered Novorossiysk from the north, and units of the Black Sea Red Army from the west. On May 2, in the Adler region, the 60,000-strong Kuban army of General V. I. Morozov capitulated.

The last echoes of the Civil War were heard in the Kuban in the second half of August 1920. The landing troops under the command of General S.G. Ulagaya began hostilities in the Primorsko-Akhtarskaya area, on the Taman Peninsula and near Novorossiysk. The "Army of the Revival of Russia" under the command of General M.A. Fostikova. Ladokha G. Essays on civil struggle in the Kuban. - Krasnodar, 1923. -S. 23. However, some of his detachments were dispersed by divisions of the 9th Army and special forces (CHON) even before the landing in the Kuban. On August 18, the main landing group captured the villages of Bryukhovetskaya and Timashevskaya, creating a bridgehead for a breakthrough to Yekaterinodar. But it was not possible to develop success, since the Kuban Cossacks evaded mobilization in every possible way. During the week-long battles on August 24 - 30, the troops of the 9th Kuban Army M.K. Lewandowski, reinforced by reserves, defeated the landing force. On August 31, the Wrangel troops began the evacuation from Achuev, which ended on September 7. At the same time, the detachments of General M.A. were finally defeated. Fostikov, who on August 21-24 tried to attack Armavir.

The insurgent movement played an important role in the development of events in the Kuban and the Black Sea region. Cherkasov A.A. Kuban-Black Sea insurrectionary movement (1920-1922): a brief description // Past Years. - 2006. - No. 2. Since the late spring of 1920, the peasant and Cossack rebellion was called the white-green movement. In general, the white-greens are anti-Soviet units that could unite the entire broad front of parties and class groups that were opposed to the Bolsheviks. As a result, the white-green movement included representatives from moderate parties (mainly Social Revolutionaries) to right-wing parties (traditionalist monarchists). In terms of class, the rebels were represented by Cossacks, non-residents, and Black Sea peasants (there were not only workers). Thus, white-green - these are the remnants of political forces, during the end of 1918 - spring 1920 that were at war with each other. Zhupikova E. The insurrectionary movement in the North Caucasus in 1920-1925: Documentary publications and the latest domestic historiography // Domestic History. -2004. - No. 2.

The Whites were supporters of the monarchy and relied on the officers, the former administration of the Volunteer Army and a significant number of Cossacks. The Greens, on the other hand, were the spokesmen for the idea of ​​"land and freedom" and relied on the peasantry. In itself, the white-green rebellion did not represent a single organization, but was united by the Bolsheviks only because of their hostility and opposition to the Soviet regime.

Beginning in 1920, the white and green movements tried to maintain neutrality in their relations. As already noted, on the territory of the Kuban, the main role was played by the Cossack opposition to the Soviet government, which was active in 1920-1922. Usually, the long period from the birth to the formation of the insurrection in the Kuban passed extremely quickly. In May 1920, the Kuban Cossacks returned to their homeland in columns of prisoners of war, acting as part of the troops of the Caucasian coast. By this time, the population of the Kuban had already appreciated the activities of the Soviet government, and by mid-May 1920, the Cheka began to receive information about the formation of white-green groups. Kuban Cheka: Kuban security agencies in documents and memoirs / Comp. N.T. Panchishkin, V.V. Gusev, N.V. Sidorenko. Under total Ed. E.L. Vorontsov. - Krasnodar, 1997.

The process of creating the first rebel detachments was hampered by one circumstance - the new government carried out the complete disarmament of the villages on the territory of the Kuban. This forced the population to seek a compromise with the Soviet authorities, not finding it, a significant part of the population went into the forests, floodplains and mountains. The first insurgent detachments were created during the uprisings caused by the food requisitioning, anti-church policy of the state, as well as pressure on the Cossacks themselves. Insurrectionary Movement on the Territory of the North Caucasian Military District // Red Army. - 1921. - No. 2

Almost all Cossack rebel detachments were created spontaneously, and much of their further activity depended on the abilities of their commanders. Rebel detachments in the Kuban must be divided into two types: a one-day detachment and a classic detachment. The differences concerned the timing of their existence. Almost all units went through the stage of rearmament, as they often began their activities with pikes, pitchforks and axes. This stage is a significant test of the combat effectiveness of the insurgent detachment, and the first major losses accompanied the detachment precisely at this time. If a detachment at this stage was destroyed by the enemy and dispersed, then it should be considered a one-day detachment incapable of organizing partisan activity.

The detachment became a classic after rearmament. Such a detachment received some permanence. After the rearmament, the rebel detachment was engaged in providing itself with food and a base. The place for the future insurgent base was chosen with special care. It took into account such factors as the advantageous location, that is, the equidistance of the base from the nearest settlements, the possibility of movement both on horseback and on foot, and the impassability to the base. In addition to the main base, several more spare ones were provided.

In combat activities, the detachments behaved differently, it depended on the number of rebels and their weapons. So, the insurgent detachment of the cornet Ryabokon, numbering from 18 to 25 bayonets and sabers, left for night raids in groups of 3-5 people. and attacked in different places. This was done in order to create the illusion of a large number of rebels. The rebels of the cornet Karasyuk and others also acted. Zhupikova E. The insurrectionary movement in the North Caucasus in 1920-1925: Documentary publications and the latest domestic historiography // Domestic History. -2004. - No. 2.

The rebels also used all sorts of military tricks, among which the deployment of horseshoes on horse hooves was especially successful. This often misled representatives of law enforcement agencies. Such a trick was used by the rebels from the detachment of the cornet Ryabokon. The Red Army soldiers joked that the Ryabokons ride backwards.

Thus, the activities and life of the rebel detachments in the Kuban have their own characteristics associated with local conditions, the use of rebel methods of struggle and tactics.

The reasons for the termination of the white-green rebellion were: the repressive activities of the Soviet government aimed at eradicating the rebellion (hostage taking, mass executions, concentration camps); the desire of the insurgent peasantry to preserve at least what the Bolsheviks had not yet taken away, that is, to preserve material values; war weariness. Soviet propaganda in the fight against the white-greens did not become the reason for the end of the rebellion. So, in 1922, 609 rebels were killed, caught or surrendered on the Black Sea coast, of which only 1 voluntarily surrendered. Baranov A.V. The insurrectionary movement of the "white-green" in the Cossack regions of the South of Russia (1920-1924) // White Guard. 2005. - No. 8. This is evidence of the insurgents' distrust of Soviet power.

In 1920, white-green detachments numbering from several hundred to several tens of thousands of people operated on the territory of the Kuban region. One of the most numerous is the Russian Renaissance Army under the command of General Fostikov. Venkov A.V. Anti-Bolshevik movement in the south of Russia at the initial stage of the civil war /A.V. Venkov. - Rostov-on-Don, 1995. - S. 314. The rebel units were armed with machine guns and artillery, although the number of the latter was not significant. The main goal of the rebel detachment was active hostilities aimed at capturing the entire territory of the Kuban in order to spread the uprising in the future throughout the entire territory of Russia.

The insurrectionary movement in the Kuban in 1920 was generally characterized by the tactics of infantry and cavalry combat operations. Often the rebels tried to keep the settlements in their hands, since in the villages it was possible to get food and recruit replenishment. In 1921, the insurgency was somewhat reduced. At the same time, dozens of detachments with an average strength of 100 bayonets or sabers with one machine gun are operating in the Kuban. The rebellion suffered significant losses in the fight against the Soviet authorities, but, nevertheless, tried to capture Krasnodar.

Throughout the period 1920-1922. The insurgency manifested itself most actively during the warm season, that is, from late spring to mid-autumn. The rest of the year the insurrection was not of a regular nature. The reasons for the defeat of the rebel movement in the Kuban were a tough repressive policy towards not only the rebels, but also their supporters. Cherkasov A.A. Kuban-Black Sea insurrectionary movement (1920-1922): a brief description // Past Years. - 2006. - No. 2.

Insurgent activity in 1920-1922 in the Kuban manifested itself in all its diversity. Here there were murders of Soviet and communist activists, clashes with shock groups of the Kuban-Black Sea Cheka, special forces, police and army teams. Already after the removal of martial law in the Kuban, the Bolsheviks finished off the last pockets of white-green resistance. Dzidzoev V.D. White and Red Terror in the North Caucasus in 1917-1918 - Vladikavkaz, 2000. -S. 172

Thus, the fighting in the Kuban and the Black Sea region was completed. The civil war entered its final phase, when only scattered "white-green" detachments fought against the Soviet regime. In November - December 1920, Soviet power was finally established throughout the Kuban and the Black Sea

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Presentation for the lesson

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The purpose of the lesson: To study the events of the civil war in the Kuban.

Tasks:

1. Find out the course of the civil war in the Kuban.
2. Consider the reasons for the confrontation of political forces in the Kuban
3. Show the inhumanity of terror as a way to solve political problems

Lesson type: combined using multimedia presentation

Equipment: Multimedia installation, multimedia presentation. Atlas on the history of the Kuban.

During the classes

1. Introductory word of the teacher.

A civil war is an armed struggle for power between various groups and strata of the population within a country due to deep social, political, economic and other contradictions. In relation to the Kuban - the civil war of 1918-1920. - this is an armed struggle for power between various groups and sections of the country's population, due to deep social, political, economic, national and other contradictions, which took place with the active intervention foreign countries and included military operations of regular armies, uprisings, rebellions, partisan and sabotage-terrorist actions, and other forms. (Slide 1)

2. Learning new material

The question of the beginning of the civil war among historians is still controversial. (Slide 2)

Let's look at the beginning of the civil war and see what forces it represented. Fill in the table (Slides 3-4) And what programs were put forward by political parties? Compare their programs.

Now we will characterize the stages of the civil war in the Kuban, in the course of work we will compile a chronological table. As a military force, the white movement began to form in 1918 in the city of Novocherkassk. Generals M. Alekseev, L. Kornilov became the leaders of the white movement. (Slide 5)

One of the very important stages of the civil war in the Kuban is the "Ice Campaign" (Slides 6-8)

The White movement was first led by L. Kornilov. What kind of person was he, what qualities were inherent in him? (Slide 9)

After L. Kornilov, A. Denikin became the leader of the white movement (Slide 10-12)

Summing up the results of the Ice Campaign (Slides 13-14)

After resting and reorganizing in the Salsky steppes, the Volunteer Army set out on the Second Kuban Campaign. (Slide 15) Denikin aimed the army at Yekaterinodar. The contradictions in the leadership of the Bolsheviks led to the fact that the defense of the city was unorganized. In addition, the Bolsheviks were able to turn against themselves most Cossacks.

But having come to power, Denikin's unleashed a cruel terror.

A striking episode of the civil war is the stage, nicknamed the "Iron Stream" (Slide 17)

Consider the main stages of the end of the civil war in the Kuban (Slide 18)

The tragedy of this war is the death of the Black Sea Fleet. (Slides 19-20)

Everyone suffered in this war. The destinies of people in this difficult time have developed differently. Messages from students about their countrymen. (Slide 21)

3. Summing up the lesson

Historical experience shows that civil war is easier to prevent than to stop. Let us sum up the results of this fratricidal war. (Slides 22-23) checking the chronological table.