Yadov V. Sociological research: methodology program methods. Strategy of sociological research - Yadov V.A. Types of polls

Yadov V.A. one

Sociological research: methodology program methods 1

Taken from http://www.socioline.ru 1

2. THE CONCEPT OF SOCIAL FACT 3

3. METHODOLOGY 9

4. METHODS, TECHNIQUES, PROCEDURES 17

II. PROGRAM OF THEORETICAL AND APPLIED SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH 22

1. PROBLEM, OBJECT AND SUBJECT OF STUDY 23

2. DEFINITION OF THE PURPOSE AND OBJECTIVES OF THE RESEARCH 27

5. FORMULATION OF WORKING HYPOTHESES 40

6. PRINCIPAL (STRATEGIC) RESEARCH PLAN 45

7. PROGRAM REQUIREMENTS FOR SAMPLE 50

8. GENERAL REQUIREMENTS FOR THE PROGRAM 56

III. PRIMARY MEASUREMENT OF SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS 62

1. CONSTRUCTION OF THE STANDARD OF MEASUREMENT - SCALE 63

MEASUREMENT REFERENCE SEARCH 63

METHODS TO CHECK THE PRIMARY MEASUREMENT PROCEDURE FOR RELIABILITY 65

2. GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF SCALES 78

SIMPLE NOMINAL SCALE 79

PARTIALLY ORDERED SCALE 81

ORIGINAL SCALE 82

METRIC EQUAL INTERVALS 87

PROPORTIONAL SCORE 88

3. SEARCH FOR THE UNIVERSAL CONTINUUM IN GUTTMANN SCALES (ORDERED NOMINAL SCALE) 90

4. USING JUDGES TO SELECT ITEMS ON THE THURSTONE EQUAL INTERVAL SCALE 95

5. FOUR ESSENTIAL LIMITATIONS OF QUANTIFICATION OF PRIMARY SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS 98

IV. DATA COLLECTION METHODS 103

1. DIRECT OBSERVATION 103

2. DOCUMENTARY SOURCES 112

3. QUESTIONNAIRE AND INTERVIEW 124

4. SOME PSYCHOLOGICAL PROCEDURES 165

V. ANALYSIS OF EMPIRICAL DATA 181

1. GROUPING AND TYPOLOGATION 181

2. SEARCH FOR RELATIONS BETWEEN VARIABLES 188

3. SOCIAL EXPERIMENT - A METHOD OF VERIFICATION OF A SCIENTIFIC HYPOTHESIS 199

4. ANALYSIS OF THE DATA REPEATED AND COMPARATIVE STUDIES 210

5. SEQUENCE OF ACTIONS IN DATA ANALYSIS 216

VI. ORGANIZATION OF THE RESEARCH 221

1. FEATURES OF THE ORGANIZATION OF THEORETICAL AND APPLIED RESEARCH 221

2. FEATURES OF THE METHODOLOGY AND STAGES OF DEVELOPING APPLIED RESEARCH 229

APPENDIX 239

PROFESSIONAL CODE OF SOCIOLOGY 239

2. The concept of social fact

What is the factual basis of sociological knowledge, what does the concept of "social fact" mean?

Facts can be considered in the ontological (not dependent on consciousness) and logical-epistemological plans. In the ontological sense, facts are any states of reality that do not depend on the observer or events that have taken place. In the logical and epistemological terms, facts are justified knowledge, which is obtained by describing individual fragments of reality in a certain strictly defined space-time interval. These are the elementary components of the knowledge system.

The following can act as social facts: (a) the behavior of individuals or entire social communities, (b) products human activity(material or spiritual) or (c) verbal actions of people (judgments, opinions, views, etc.).

In epistemological terms, social facts acquire meaning thanks to one or another system of concepts in which we describe fragments. social reality. Paradoxical as it may seem, a scientific fact is a certain result of the cognitive process, and not its beginning. Of course, this is a preliminary, intermediate result at the level of empirical generalization.

Let's consider this problem. Let us assume that the sociologist gives a "factual description" of the socio-political activity of workers industrial enterprise, using outwardly clearly visible signs of such activity, for example, speaking at a meeting, participating in various initiatives, etc. Summarizing the data obtained, our sociologist found that managers are most active, and low-skilled workers are the least active.

Is such a statement a "fact"? As if yes. If we delve deeper into these things, we will find that the reliability of this description is highly doubtful. Why? It is true that foremen and technologists of workshops spoke at meetings much more often, almost all of them are members of some kind of public organizations, many of them initiate useful undertakings. They are socially active. But after all, a certain level of social initiative is imputed to the duties of management personnel. What can you say about a director or foreman who keeps silent at meetings? - Bad leader. And it will be fair. What shall we say about the auxiliary worker, who only once spoke at the meeting with serious criticism and analysis of the organizational problems in the shop? Let's say: "active" worker. Nobody forced him to speak. It was not included in his production functions at all. Furthermore, he could be afraid to do this, fearing "pressure" from his direct leader, whom he sharply criticized. So what, in factual descriptions of our sociologist, is reliable, and what is not reliable?

Separate events of social reality, as a rule, are elementary "particles" of the mass process. The task of the sociologist is to separate individual differences, which are systematic, from random ones, and thereby describe the stable properties of this process. For this, the apparatus of probabilistic statistics is used, the basis of which is the law big numbers.

By definition B.C. Nemchinov, the law of large numbers is general principle, due to which the cumulative action a large number individual causes and conditions containing elements of a random nature, with some very general conditions leads to a result that almost does not depend on the case ". Necessary prerequisites for the operation of this law: a sufficient number of observations and the independence of individual events from some common cause (in the sense of dynamic dependence).

Without dwelling on the special problems associated with the concept of randomness in social phenomena, we point out that the second prerequisite for the operation of the law is observed wherever we are dealing with the behavior of sufficiently large masses of individuals, if their actions are not strictly regulated, which excludes any possibility of personal initiative, those. individual evasion from a given program of action.

Therefore, along with the concept social fact"V.I. Lenin used the expression "statistical fact", which can be defined as typical summary numerical characteristics based on specially organized mass observation of social phenomena.

We now know that (a) social facts are abstractions in so far as they are descriptions of certain events in general terms, and (b) that these are predominantly socio-statistical generalizations.

Therefore, the inclusion of factual knowledge in the system of science presupposes a certain conceptual scheme ("correlation system") in which we register observations of a set of events. How to choose a scientifically substantiated "correlation system" for describing elementary "pieces" of reality?

Let us turn to the well-known reasoning of V.I. Lenin about the dialectical definition of the concept, in contrast to the eclectic one. In a discussion on trade unions in 1921, he ridiculed the eclectic approach to the definition of an object, when he limited himself to enumerating its various features: the features of a glass - a vessel for drinking and at the same time a glass cylinder. Objecting to this method of determination, V.I. Lenin said: “Dialectical logic demands that we go further. In order to really know an object, it is necessary to grasp, to study all its aspects, all connections and "mediations". We will never achieve this completely, but the demand for comprehensiveness will warn us against mistakes and from deadness. This is first. Secondly, dialectical logic requires that an object be taken in its development, "self-movement" (as Hegel sometimes says), change. In relation to the glass, this is not immediately clear, but the glass does not remain unchanged, and in particular the purpose of the glass changes, its use, connection him with the outside world. Thirdly, all human practice must enter into a complete "definition" of the subject both as a criterion of truth and as a practical determinant of the relationship of the subject with what a person needs. Fourth, dialectical logic teaches that "there is no abstract truth, truth is always concrete," as the late Plekhanov liked to say, following Hegel.

Let us try to translate these Leninist remarks into rules of procedure for social research.

Saying that comprehensiveness is needed as a requirement for objectivity, Lenin emphasizes that this comprehensiveness is practically unattainable. But the requirement of comprehensiveness is valuable because it emphasizes the relativity of truth, shows that we never obtain absolute knowledge in any study. We are acquiring some relative knowledge and we must clearly define the extent to which it is reliable and under what conditions it turns into unreliable knowledge.

Let's return to our example with the study of social activity. We already know that the concept of "activity" is specific not only in terms of the features that express it, but also in terms of the conditions of the worker's activity. Taken out of specific conditions, the signs of activity (the frequency of their manifestation) turn out to be incomparable. It is necessary to find in the research procedure such an indicator that would express precisely this relativity of the activity criteria in relation to the specific positions and conditions in which the employees of the enterprise are placed.

As one of the possible indicators, we take the frequency of manifestations of signs of activity, the reciprocal of the probability of their occurrence. In other words, the more often a given property is found, the more "normal" it is, the less will be its relative importance, its "weight" for a given group of workers.

If the probability of speaking at the meeting p = a/n, where P- number of all observations, for example, all participants included in the analysis of meetings; but - the number of favorable observations (i.e. those cases when speeches were recorded), then the weight of the attribute "speak at the meeting" will be equal to l/R or p / a. If the probability of speaking at a meeting for all heads of departments of the plant approaches one, we can say that the usual norm of behavior takes place here. But, if the probability of a low-skilled worker speaking at the meeting is significantly lower, then the weight of this indicator increases sharply.

Since the weight of the attribute "speaking at a meeting" for the entire mass of ordinary workers will be higher than for the entire mass of managerial personnel, the possession of such a trait clearly increases the overall "index of activity" for any given ordinary worker, but not for a given ordinary manager. But for managers, some other sign of activity will receive high weight, for example, independent decision-making and consistency in their implementation, the relative weight of which will turn out to be statistically more significant for this group of employees than the sign "speaking at a meeting."

The determination of such fairly stable "weights" of signs is possible on large populations of subjects. Then the probability values ​​tend to stabilize (as do their reciprocal feature weights). And only then can they be used to assess the activity of individuals, collectively constituting a mass of units with a stable probability of such and such a behavior.

The second indication, which is contained in the quoted Lenin's words: "We must take the object in its development, "self-movement", take into account that the connection of the object with the surrounding world is changing."

The closest system of correlation in which it is necessary to consider the connection of an object with the surrounding world is specific social situation those. set of general and specific life circumstances and social factors in which we record observed events. "A concrete social situation is the result of a complex interaction of various elements social structure in this historical period" .

The allocation of general and specific factors depends on the conditions that V.I. Lenin speaks in the third and fourth paragraphs of the quoted passage. From the point of view of the research procedure, significant general and specific factors of a particular situation are determined depending on the following criteria:

What is the practical or theoretical purpose of the study (what is the object being studied for)?

What is the subject of the study (what exactly in this object interests us from the point of view of the purpose of the study)?

What is the state of theoretical and practical knowledge that makes it possible to describe, generalize and explain the facts in a given situation?

Theory in this case accumulates previous practice. If, as V.I. Lenin, the definition includes all social practice, this means that there is some theory as a practically confirmed system of ideas about reality. In this sense, social practice enters into the determination of the connection in which certain phenomena should be taken.

It should be noted here that, of course, a separate event of special socio-historical significance can also act as a social fact. But everything that V.I. wrote about also fully applies to the description of such an event. Lenin. Such an event is, for example, the definition of the essence of Soviet trade unions, in a discussion about the nature of which V.I. Lenin cited the arguments discussed above.

However, there is still a very significant limitation: the selection of general and specific factors in a particular situation depends not only on the goal and subject of research, on the state of the theory, but also on the worldview of the researcher. When a sociologist writes that such and such a group of people is socially active, and such and such is passive, this statement expresses a certain civic position of the researcher.

The question arises: does sociological knowledge have factual certainty?

To understand this issue, let's divide it into two problems: one is the problem of the validity of a factual statement and the second is the problem of its truth.

The validity of a factual statement depends on the state of our knowledge and some criteria that serve as arguments indicating that such and such factual statements are legitimate.

Let us give a general scheme of the sequence of operations necessary to establish substantiated sociological facts (Fig. 1).

The first level in this scheme is the general premise of the validity of factual knowledge. These are our fundamental ideas about the essence of social and natural reality, our worldview. If miscalculations, illusions, misconceptions are allowed at this level, then they will be "superimposed" on all subsequent research operations. The second level is the state and development of sociological theory. Here we have in mind the system of already achieved scientific knowledge about the objects of research, based on which and by comparing with new, still unsystematized observations (or data from other sciences), hypotheses are put forward regarding unexplored social phenomena and processes.

They form a conceptual "framework" in which individual events in specific social situations will be described. The condition for such a transition from existing theoretical concepts to empirical research is the empirical interpretation of concepts, which we will discuss in the next chapter.

The third level is procedural. It is a system of knowledge about methods and techniques research that provides reliable and consistent factual information.

These three prerequisites form the main conditions for compiling a reasonable research program, which, in turn, determines the content and sequence of empirical procedures for collecting and processing factual data.

The final "product" of this activity - scientific facts - is introduced into sociological theory. In a rigidly targeted study, they enter the system of knowledge from which the initial hypotheses were extracted. Of course, on the basis of well-founded facts, their other theoretical interpretation is also possible. But then additional research will be required to check the reliability of the factual base, because it is extremely rare to give a truly complete and comprehensive description of the facts; some essential properties and connections of the observed phenomena from a different point of view will turn out to be less convincing or not covered at all.

It is also clear that the introduction of new scientific facts in one way or another modifies the theory of a given level, and changes in a number of special sociological theories lead to corresponding transformations into more high levels knowledge. Such is, as it were, the spiral path of development of any science. First stage research on any turn of the spiral is the existing systemic knowledge, and the final one is new systemic knowledge and the transition to the next turn.

In this process of erecting the edifice of sociological science, facts play huge role, but they still remain "raw building material".

As for the truth of knowledge, although it is directly related to its validity, it still presents a special problem. Unlike validity, truth cannot be established by logical reasoning. The criterion of truth is the practical mastery of the subject.

The practice can be viewed in different aspects: both as a planned social experiment and as a socio-historical experience. The result of the practical development of an object can confirm or refute ideas about it. Our desire to have a complete proof of the truth "right away" is not feasible. When conducting research and in each individual case extracting some "piece" of reliable knowledge, it should be remembered that the future may partially refute our current ideas. So, in addition to the desire to obtain true knowledge, you need to be able to practically verify their compliance with reality.

In conclusion, let us briefly formulate what the concept of "social fact" is. It means that:

1) scientific description and generalization is subject to mass social events that relate to socially significant acts of individual or group, real and verbal behavior and to the products of people's activities. The significance of these acts is determined by the problem and purpose of the study, as well as the state of the theory in terms of which we consider a specific social situation;

2) the generalization of mass events is carried out, as a rule, by statistical means, which does not deprive the status of social facts of individual events of special social significance;

3) description and generalization of social phenomena is carried out in scientific concepts, and if these are concepts of sociological knowledge, then the corresponding social facts can be called "sociological" facts.

Table of contents

Yadov V.A. one

Sociological research: methodology program methods 1

Taken from http://www.socioline.ru 1

2. THE CONCEPT OF SOCIAL FACT 3

3. METHODOLOGY 9

4. METHODS, TECHNIQUES, PROCEDURES 17

II. PROGRAM OF THEORETICAL AND APPLIED SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH 22

1. PROBLEM, OBJECT AND SUBJECT OF STUDY 23

2. DEFINITION OF THE PURPOSE AND OBJECTIVES OF THE RESEARCH 27

5. FORMULATION OF WORKING HYPOTHESES 40

6. PRINCIPAL (STRATEGIC) RESEARCH PLAN 45

7. PROGRAM REQUIREMENTS FOR SAMPLE 50

8. GENERAL REQUIREMENTS FOR THE PROGRAM 57

III. PRIMARY MEASUREMENT OF SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS 63

1. CONSTRUCTION OF THE STANDARD OF MEASUREMENT - SCALE 64

MEASUREMENT REFERENCE SEARCH 64

METHODS TO CHECK THE PRIMARY MEASUREMENT PROCEDURE FOR RELIABILITY 66

2. GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF SCALES 79

SIMPLE NOMINAL SCALE 80

PARTIALLY ORDERED SCALE 82

ORIGINAL SCALE 83

METRIC EQUAL INTERVALS 88

PROPORTIONAL SCORE 89

3. SEARCH FOR THE UNIVERSAL CONTINUUM IN GUTTMANN SCALES (ORDERED NOMINAL SCALE) 91

4. USING JUDGES TO SELECT ITEMS ON THE THURSTONE EQUAL INTERVAL SCALE 96

5. FOUR ESSENTIAL LIMITATIONS OF QUANTIFICATION OF PRIMARY SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS 99

IV. DATA COLLECTION METHODS 104

1. DIRECT OBSERVATION 104

2. DOCUMENTARY SOURCES 113

3. QUESTIONNAIRE AND INTERVIEW 126

4. SOME PSYCHOLOGICAL PROCEDURES 167

V. ANALYSIS OF EMPIRICAL DATA 182

1. GROUPING AND TYPOLOGATION 182

2. SEARCH FOR RELATIONS BETWEEN VARIABLES 190

3. SOCIAL EXPERIMENT - A METHOD OF VERIFICATION OF A SCIENTIFIC HYPOTHESIS 201

4. ANALYSIS OF THE DATA REPEATED AND COMPARATIVE STUDIES 212

5. SEQUENCE OF ACTION IN DATA ANALYSIS 218

VI. ORGANIZATION OF THE RESEARCH 223

1. FEATURES OF THE ORGANIZATION OF THEORETICAL AND APPLIED RESEARCH 223

2. FEATURES OF THE METHODOLOGY AND STAGES OF DEVELOPING APPLIED RESEARCH 231

APPENDIX 241

PROFESSIONAL CODE OF SOCIOLOGY 241


2. THE CONCEPT OF SOCIAL FACT

What is the factual basis of sociological knowledge, what does the concept of "social fact" mean?

Facts can be considered in the ontological (not dependent on consciousness) and logical-epistemological plans. In the ontological sense, facts are any states of reality that do not depend on the observer or events that have taken place. In the logical and epistemological terms, facts are justified knowledge, which is obtained by describing individual fragments of reality in a certain strictly defined space-time interval. These are the elementary components of the knowledge system.

The following can act as social facts: (a) the behavior of individuals or entire social communities, (b) products of human activity (material or spiritual), or (c) verbal actions of people (judgments, opinions, views, etc.).

In epistemological terms, social facts acquire meaning thanks to one or another system of concepts in which we describe fragments of social reality. Paradoxical as it may seem, a scientific fact is a certain result of the cognitive process, and not its beginning. Of course, this is a preliminary, intermediate result at the level of empirical generalization.

Let's consider this problem. Suppose that a sociologist gives a "factual description" of the socio-political activity of workers in an industrial enterprise, using externally well-recognized signs of such activity, for example, speaking at a meeting, participating in various initiatives, etc. Summarizing the data obtained, our sociologist found that managers are most active, and low-skilled workers are the least active.

Is such a statement a "fact"? As if yes. If we delve deeper into these things, we will find that the reliability of this description is highly doubtful. Why? It is true that foremen and technologists of workshops spoke at meetings much more often, almost all of them are members of some public organizations, many of them act as initiators of useful undertakings. They are socially active. But certain level social initiative is imputed to the duties of senior staff. What can you say about a director or foreman who keeps silent at meetings? - Bad leader. And it will be fair. What shall we say about the auxiliary worker, who only once spoke at the meeting with serious criticism and analysis of the organizational problems in the shop? Let's say: "active" worker. Nobody forced him to speak. It was not included in his production functions at all. Moreover, he could be afraid to do this, fearing "pressure" from his direct leader, whom he sharply criticized. So what, in factual descriptions of our sociologist, is reliable, and what is not reliable?

Separate events of social reality, as a rule, are elementary "particles" of the mass process. The task of the sociologist is to separate individual differences, which have a systematic character, from random and thus describe the stable properties of a given process. For this, the apparatus of probabilistic statistics is used, the basis of which is the law of large numbers.

By definition B.C. Nemchinov, the law of large numbers is “a general principle by virtue of which the cumulative action of a large number of individual causes and conditions containing elements of a random nature, under certain very general conditions, leads to a result that is almost independent of chance” . Necessary prerequisites for the operation of this law: a sufficient number of observations and the independence of individual events from some common cause (in the sense of dynamic dependence).

Without dwelling on the special problems associated with the concept of randomness in social phenomena, we point out that the second prerequisite for the operation of the law is observed wherever we are dealing with the behavior of sufficiently large masses of individuals, if their actions are not strictly regulated, which excludes any possibility of personal initiative, those. individual evasion from a given program of action.

Therefore, along with the concept of "social fact" V.I. Lenin used the expression "statistical fact", which can be defined as typical summary numerical characteristics based on specially organized mass observation of social phenomena.

We now know that (a) social facts are abstractions insofar as they are descriptions of certain events in general terms, and (b) that they are predominantly social-statistical generalizations.

Therefore, the inclusion of factual knowledge in the system of science presupposes a certain conceptual scheme ("correlation system") in which we register observations of a set of events. How to choose a scientifically substantiated "correlation system" for describing elementary "pieces" of reality?

Let us turn to the well-known reasoning of V.I. Lenin about the dialectical definition of the concept, in contrast to the eclectic one. In a discussion on trade unions in 1921, he ridiculed the eclectic approach to the definition of an object, when he limited himself to enumerating its various features: the features of a glass - a vessel for drinking and at the same time a glass cylinder. Objecting to this method of determination, V.I. Lenin said: “Dialectical logic demands that we go further. In order to really know an object, it is necessary to grasp, to study all its aspects, all connections and "mediations". We will never achieve this completely, but the demand for comprehensiveness will warn us against mistakes and from deadness. This is first. Secondly, dialectical logic requires that an object be taken in its development, "self-movement" (as Hegel sometimes says), change. In relation to the glass, this is not immediately clear, but the glass does not remain unchanged, and in particular the purpose of the glass changes, its use, connection him with the outside world. Thirdly, all human practice must enter into a complete "definition" of the subject both as a criterion of truth and as a practical determinant of the relationship of the subject with what a person needs. Fourth, dialectical logic teaches that "there is no abstract truth, truth is always concrete," as the late Plekhanov liked to say, following Hegel.

Let us try to translate these Leninist remarks into rules of procedure for social research.

Saying that comprehensiveness is needed as a requirement for objectivity, Lenin emphasizes that this comprehensiveness is practically unattainable. But the requirement of comprehensiveness is valuable because it emphasizes the relativity of truth, shows that we never obtain absolute knowledge in any study. We are acquiring some relative knowledge and we must clearly define the extent to which it is reliable and under what conditions it turns into unreliable knowledge.

Let's return to our example with the study of social activity. We already know that the concept of "activity" is specific not only in terms of the features that express it, but also in terms of the conditions of the worker's activity. Taken out of specific conditions, the signs of activity (the frequency of their manifestation) turn out to be incomparable. It is necessary to find in the research procedure such an indicator that would express precisely this relativity of the activity criteria in relation to the specific positions and conditions in which the employees of the enterprise are placed.

As one of the possible indicators, we take the frequency of manifestations of signs of activity, the reciprocal of the probability of their occurrence. In other words, the more often a given property is found, the more "normal" it is, the less will be its relative importance, its "weight" for a given group of workers.

If the probability of speaking at the meeting p = a/n, where P- number of all observations, for example, all participants included in the analysis of meetings; but - the number of favorable observations (i.e. those cases when speeches were recorded), then the weight of the attribute "speak at the meeting" will be equal to l/R or p / a. If the probability of speaking at a meeting for all heads of departments of the plant approaches one, we can say that the usual norm of behavior takes place here. But, if the probability of a low-skilled worker speaking at the meeting is significantly lower, then the weight of this indicator increases sharply.

Since the weight of the attribute "speaking at a meeting" for the entire mass of ordinary workers will be higher than for the entire mass of managerial personnel, the possession of such a trait clearly increases the overall "index of activity" for any given ordinary worker, but not for a given ordinary manager. But for managers, some other sign of activity will receive high weight, for example, independent decision-making and consistency in their implementation, the relative weight of which will turn out to be statistically more significant for this group of employees than the sign "speaking at a meeting."

The determination of such fairly stable "weights" of signs is possible on large populations of subjects. Then the probability values ​​tend to stabilize (as do their reciprocal feature weights). And only then can they be used to assess the activity of individuals, collectively constituting a mass of units with a stable probability of such and such a behavior.

The second indication, which is contained in the quoted Lenin's words: "We must take the object in its development, "self-movement", take into account that the connection of the object with the surrounding world is changing."

The closest system of correlation in which it is necessary to consider the connection of an object with the surrounding world is specific social situation those. a set of general and specific life circumstances and social factors, in which we capture the observed events. "A concrete social situation is the result of a complex interaction of various elements of the social structure in a given historical period."

The allocation of general and specific factors depends on the conditions that V.I. Lenin speaks in the third and fourth paragraphs of the quoted passage. From the point of view of the research procedure, significant general and specific factors of a particular situation are determined depending on the following criteria:

What is the practical or theoretical purpose of the study (what is the object being studied for)?

What is the subject of the study (what exactly in this object interests us from the point of view of the purpose of the study)?

What is the state of theoretical and practical knowledge that makes it possible to describe, generalize and explain the facts in a given situation?

Theory in this case accumulates previous practice. If, as V.I. Lenin, the definition includes all social practice, this means that there is some theory as a practically confirmed system of ideas about reality. In this sense, social practice enters into the determination of the connection in which certain phenomena should be taken.

It should be noted here that, of course, a separate event of special socio-historical significance can also act as a social fact. But everything that V.I. wrote about also fully applies to the description of such an event. Lenin. Such an event is, for example, the definition of the essence of Soviet trade unions, in a discussion about the nature of which V.I. Lenin cited the arguments discussed above.

However, there is still a very significant limitation: the selection of general and specific factors in a particular situation depends not only on the goal and subject of research, on the state of the theory, but also on the worldview of the researcher. When a sociologist writes that such and such a group of people is socially active, and such and such is passive, this statement expresses a certain civic position of the researcher.

The question arises: does sociological knowledge have factual certainty?

To understand this issue, let's divide it into two problems: one is the problem of the validity of a factual statement and the second is the problem of its truth.

The validity of a factual statement depends on the state of our knowledge and some criteria that serve as arguments indicating that such and such factual statements are legitimate.

Let's bring general scheme the sequence of operations necessary to establish substantiated sociological facts (Fig. 1).

The first level in this scheme is the general premise of the validity of factual knowledge. These are our fundamental ideas about the essence of social and natural reality, our worldview. If miscalculations, illusions, misconceptions are allowed at this level, then they will be "superimposed" on all subsequent research operations. The second level is the state and development of sociological theory. Here we have in mind the system of already achieved scientific knowledge about the objects of research, based on which and by comparing with new, still unsystematized observations (or data from other sciences), hypotheses are put forward regarding unexplored social phenomena and processes.

They form a conceptual "framework" in which individual events in specific social situations will be described. The condition for such a transition from existing theoretical concepts to empirical research is the empirical interpretation of concepts, which we will discuss in the next chapter.

The third level is procedural. This is a system of knowledge about research methods and techniques that provide reliable and stable factual information.

These three prerequisites form the main conditions for compiling a sound research program, which, in turn, determines the content and sequence of empirical procedures for collecting and processing factual data.

The final "product" of this activity - scientific facts - is introduced into sociological theory. In a rigidly targeted study, they enter the system of knowledge from which the initial hypotheses were extracted. Of course, on the basis of well-founded facts, their other theoretical interpretation is also possible. But then additional research will be required to check the reliability of the factual base, because it is extremely rare to give a truly complete and comprehensive description of the facts; some essential properties and connections of the observed phenomena from a different point of view will turn out to be less convincing or not covered at all.

It is also clear that the introduction of new scientific facts in one way or another modifies the theory of a given level, and changes in a number of special sociological theories lead to corresponding transformations at higher levels of knowledge. Such is, as it were, the spiral path of development of any science. The initial stage of research on any turn of the spiral is the existing systemic knowledge, and the final stage is new systemic knowledge and the transition to the next turn.

In this process of erecting the edifice of sociological science, facts play an enormous role, but they still remain "raw building material."

As for the truth of knowledge, although it is directly related to its validity, it still presents a special problem. Unlike validity, truth cannot be established by logical reasoning. The criterion of truth is the practical mastery of the subject.

The practice can be viewed in different aspects: both as a planned social experiment and as a socio-historical experience. The result of the practical development of an object can confirm or refute ideas about it. Our desire to have a complete proof of the truth "right away" is not feasible. When conducting research and in each individual case extracting some "piece" of reliable knowledge, it should be remembered that the future may partially refute our current ideas. So, in addition to the desire to obtain true knowledge, you need to be able to practically verify their compliance with reality.

In conclusion, let us briefly formulate what the concept of "social fact" is. It means that:

1) scientific description and generalization are subject to mass social events that relate to socially significant acts of individual or group, real and verbal behavior and to the products of people's activities. The significance of these acts is determined by the problem and purpose of the study, as well as the state of the theory in terms of which we consider a specific social situation;

2) the generalization of mass events is carried out, as a rule, by statistical means, which does not deprive the status of social facts of individual events of special social significance;

3) the description and generalization of social phenomena is carried out in scientific terms, and if these are concepts of sociological knowledge, then the corresponding social facts can be called "sociological" facts.

Page 1

Download: M.: Akademkniga, Dobrosvet, 2003. - 596 p.

Theoretical and methodological foundations of the research program, quantitative and qualitative methods for collecting and analyzing empirical data are considered. The procedures for quantifying social characteristics, methods for collecting and analyzing empirical data are described in detail: document analysis, observations, surveys, in-depth interviews, statistical techniques for analyzing relationships and interpretive approaches in qualitative research, as well as requirements for the organization of theoretical, analytical and applied research.

The book contains appendices of sample field papers, an annotated bibliography on the methodology of empirical sociological research.

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Table of contents:
Chapter I. Some Problems in the Theory and Methodology of Sociological Research
1. About the subject of sociology
On the history of the development of the subject of sociology
On the Question of Marxist Orientation in Sociology
What is the subject of sociology?
Structure of sociological knowledge
2. The concept of social fact
3. Methodology
4. Methods, technique, procedures
Chapter II. Theoretical applied research followed by quantitative analysis data
1. Problem, object and subject of research
2. Definition of the purpose and objectives of the study
3. Clarification and interpretation of basic concepts
4. Preliminary system analysis object of study
5. Proposing working hypotheses
6. Principal (strategic) research plan
7. Program requirements for sampling
8. General requirements to the program
Chapter III. Primary measurement (quantification) of social characteristics
1. Designing a measurement standard - scales
Search for a measurement standard
Methods for checking the reliability of the primary measurement procedure
2. general characteristics scales
Simple nominal scale
Partially ordered scale
ordinal scale
Metric Equal Spacing Scale
Scale of proportional assessments
3. Search for a unidirectional continuum in the Guttmann scales (ordered nominal scale)
4. Using Judges to Select Items on the Thurstone Equal Interval Scale
5. Four major restrictions on the quantification of primary social characteristics
Chapter IV. Methods and operations for collecting bottom sediments subject to quantitative analysis
1. Direct observation
What to watch?
Should the observer intervene in the process being studied?
Ways to improve the reliability of observational data
Place of observation among other data collection methods
2. Documentary sources
The problem of the reliability of documentary information
Techniques for qualitative and quantitative analysis of documents
Evaluation of the method of documentary analysis
3. Questionnaires and interviews
Types of polls
Increasing the reliability of information
Question construction and answer interpretation
Questionnaire specifics
Postal and expert surveys
Features of interviewing
General assessment of the possibilities of survey methods
4. Some test procedures
Psychological tests
Projective technique
Personal Disposition Tests
sociometric procedure
Chapter V. "Hard" analysis of empirical data
1. Grouping and empirical typology
2. Theoretical typology and its verification in empirical analysis
3. Search for relationships between variables
4. social experiment as a verification method scientific hypothesis
5. Data analysis of repeated and comparative studies
6. Sequence of actions in data analysis
Chapter VI. Qualitative methods in sociology
1. Features of the methodology of qualitative research
Cognitive possibilities of the qualitative method
Theoretical Origins of Qualitative Methods
Differences in strategies in qualitative and quantitative methodology
2. Types of qualitative research and general order researcher's actions
Varieties of Qualitative Research
The logic of the researcher's actions
3. Realization of the research idea in field conditions
Outline of the problem and preparation for the field
Field research
Features of the interview in qualitative research
Storage of field information
Data Description and Reliability Test
Structuring text
An example of a "dense" description
4. Data analysis based on a "dense" description - conceptualization
Primary classification data
Clustering and the method of analytical induction
Methodology for the theoretical conceptualization of the case
5. Presentation of data in publication
Chapter VII. Organization of the study
1. Features of the organization of theoretical and applied research
2. Features of the methodology and stages of the deployment of applied research
Conditions and logic of research deployment
Specifics of the program and organization of applied research
Conclusion. The problem of choosing a research strategy
Annex 1. Professional Code of the Sociologist
Appendix 2. Annotated bibliography 1984-1997 on methodology, methods and techniques of sociological research
Appendix 3. Voter Survey Field Documents, Interviewer Instructions, and Semi-Formalized Interview Form
Bibliographic list

METHODOLOGY FOR CARRYING OUT A SOCIOLOGICAL SURVEY I. Concepts 1. A fact is an independent event that has taken place. from the observer the state of reality or The following can act as social facts:  Behavior of individuals or entire social communities;  Products of human activity (material or spiritual)  Verbal actions of people (judgments, opinions, views, etc.). 2. Boundary conditions for sociological research 2.1. What is the practical or theoretical purpose of the study? 2.2. What is the subject of research (what exactly in this object interests us)? 2.3. What is the state of theoretical and practical knowledge that makes it possible to describe, generalize and explain the facts in a given situation, that is, the possibility of choosing that theoretical and practical toolkit for an accurate description of the fact? 3. Methodology Methodology is a system of scientific research principles. Methodology is not related to the essence of knowledge about real world, but rather deals with the operations by which knowledge is constructed. Methodology - a set of research operations, procedures, techniques and methods, including methods for collecting and processing data. "... every science is applied logic..." - Hegel 4. Methods, techniques and procedures 4.1. Research methods and procedures are a system of more or less formalized rules for collecting, processing and analyzing information. 1 4.2. Technique - a set of techniques for effective use one method or another. 4.3. Methodology - concepts denoting a set of technical methods. Example: When polled public opinion the sociologist uses a questionnaire as a data collection method. For some reason, the sociologist used two methods of forming the questionnaire, namely:  Some of the questions were formulated in open form  Some of the questions were formulated in closed form (variants of possible answers were offered), such as: - completely agree - 4 - agree - 3 - not I know, I can't answer - 2 - Disagree - 1 - Strongly disagree - 0 According to the above example of pre-marked answers, a scoring system is determined for each answer. In our case (from top to bottom) the point system will be from 4 to 0, that is: 4; 3; 2; one; 0. These two methods form the technique of this questionnaire. 4.4. A procedure is a sequence of all operations, that is, a general system of actions and a way of organizing research. If we cover all the methodological, technical and procedural features of the work of a sociologist, then the proportion of such research methods that would not be found in other social or natural sciences is not so great. The sociologist uses, along with special, also general scientific methods, especially from economic, historical, psychological and other social and natural sciences (political science, physiology, etc.). however, a sociologist, along with the above, must master the techniques of statistical probabilistic analysis, have an idea about the relevant sections of mathematics and statistics. In the future, we will deal with methods and procedures that form a set of operations with empirical data of social processes. 2 5. Classification of operations 5.1. Class A is formed by methods and techniques related to the collection of primary information 5.2. Class B - methods and techniques related to the processing and analysis of initial data In turn, Class A is divided into 2 subclasses:  a1 - techniques related to establishing reliable information about some single events or their combinations;  a2 - techniques related to determining the order of the sequence of individual events or their combinations. II. The program of theoretical and applied sociological research The content and structure of the program of sociological research depends on the main goal research activities. Two types of research can be distinguished:  Research, the purpose of which is to contribute to the solution of social problems by preparing new approaches to their solutions;  Research, the purpose of which is to provide recommendations for solving fairly clearly defined social problems in order to suggest concrete ways of action within a certain timeframe. 6. Methodological section of the program consists of: 6.1. Formulation of the problem, definition of the object and subject of research 6.2. Determining the purpose and setting the research problem 6.3. Clarification of basic concepts 6.4. Preliminary system analysis of the research object 6.5. Development of working hypotheses 7. The procedural section of the program consists of: 7.1. Principal (strategic) research plan 7.2. Justification of the system for choosing units of measurement 3 7.3. Basic procedures for collecting and analyzing initial data 8. Problem, object and subject of research The research problem (problem) has two sides:  Gnoseological  Subject Gnoseological side is a cognitive process that provides the study of the contradiction between generally accepted knowledge of people and these necessary action to determine the specific internal and external states of the objects under study. The subject side is a kind of social contradiction that requires the organization of targeted actions to eliminate it or choose from possible alternatives one or more ways that ensure the social development of the object. The object of sociological research is what the research is aimed at. In addition to the object of sociological research, the subject of sociological research is also singled out, that is, those most significant properties, aspects of the object that are subject to direct study. Consider, as an example, how the problem, object and subject of the research process of choosing a profession by high school graduates are formed. The problem is the conflict between equal rights in the choice of a profession and the actual possibilities of representatives of various social groups in the implementation of this right. The object of the study is secondary school graduates and their parents at the time of choosing a profession and employment. The subject of the study is the relationship between plans for choosing a profession and their implementation in practice. The subject of the study also includes the identification of life plans determined by the socio-professional status of parents, the specific originality of living conditions in this region, and the personal characteristics of graduates. The formulation of the problem and hence the allocation of the object and subject of research is the first step in developing a program of sociological research. 4 9. Definition of the purpose and objectives of the study The purpose of the study is the final result of the study. The goals and objectives of the study form interrelated chains. Determining the purpose of the study allows you to further streamline the search process in the form of a sequence of solving basic, particular, and additional tasks. 10. Primary measurement of social characteristics Measurement is a procedure by which the object of sociological research is measured, compared with some standard and given a numerical expression on a certain scale or scale. Any measurement begins with a search for the simplest qualitative features of an object, the relationship between which could be expressed on a certain numerical scale. Section 4 (Methods, Techniques and Procedures) of this material provides an example of the assessment of pre-marked answers in the questionnaire, assessed on a 4-point system. This is an example of a numerical assessment of one of the qualitative features - judgments. Suppose we consider one object of sociological research. If this object has 8 features, that is, judgments, then the highest score on the judgment scale will be equal to 8*4=32 points with the lower score =0. After the survey, a table is filled in, which is called the scale chart. The scale chart has the following form: Table No. 1 Sociological subject Total score for the study (ordinal for each 1 number) judgment Number of judgments 3 4 5 6 7 2 8 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 No. 7 No. 9 No. 10 No. 1 No. 13 No. 3 . . . . #12 7 7 6 6 6 5 . . . . 1 + + + + + + . . . . + + + + + + + . . . . - + . . . . - + + + + + . . . . - + + + + + + . . . . - + + . . . . - + + + + + . . . . - + + + + + . . . . - 5 This scale chart can be transformed in such a way that all plus values ​​will be on one side of the table, and we will get a scale chart in the form of a "ladder". But first, let's look at this table. The first column - this column indicates the numbers of objects of sociological research. Each number refers to a specific respondent (physical or entity, depending on the essence and methodology of sociological research). The second column - this column indicates the number of judgments to which this respondent answered. From the third to the 10th columns - in the form of crosses and dashes, it is noted which judgments the respondent answered. "+" - the respondent answered, "-" - the respondent did not answer. The numbers in the second column just show the number of crosses on this line. Let's try to modify this table. Table No. 2 Subject No. 7 No. 9 No. 10 No. 1 No. 13 No. 3 . . . . №12 Number of points for each judgment Score 7 + + + + + + . . . . + 7 7 7 6 6 6 5 . . . . 1 5 + + + + + + . . . . 6 1 + + + + + + . . . . 6 Judgments 8 2 4 + + + + + + + + + - + + + + + + + . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 6 5 6 + + . . . . 2 3 + . . . . - Consider table No. 2. After ordering the respondents according to the principle of ordering judgments from the maximum to the minimum of favorable answers, we get a scale chart, which, strictly speaking, is not ideal, because both the left and right parts of the ladder have deviations in the form of “+” and “ -". It is practically impossible to obtain an ideal scale chart, but it can be assumed that the deviation is the error of sociological research, which is within the margin of error in such research. 6 It is desirable to obtain a reliable interval of permissible error no more than 10%. There is a special method for determining the interval of permissible error - the error of sociological research. One method to reduce the margin of error is to exclude a judgment that has a low weight from the table (in our case, judgment 3). There are other methods, such as, for example, with a questionnaire method of questioning, the reduction of the proposed answers. Later, when analyzing Table No. 2 (or Table No. 1), one can estimate the “cost” of a point unit for each judgment by multiplying the number of points for a particular judgment by the “weight” of the proposed answer for each respondent. In this case, we will get the maximum or minimum weight of each 11. Selection of respondents Often the problem arises of measuring people's attitudes to very complex sociological phenomena, and we either cannot or do not want to break down these attitudes into its constituent aspects. must be based on the premise that psychological attitude person on social facilities contains an emotional relationship. Therefore, the task of measuring these relations is to find the degree of positive or negative tension of such an attitude. To determine the emotional affiliation of the respondent to positive or negative tension, a method (one of the methods) is used to determine its subjective threshold for the difference in value judgments in the Thurstone scale. The development of this scale is carried out in stages. Stage 1 - a set of judgments of a positive nature is invented, each of which expresses the respondent's attitude to a certain phenomenon. For example, these can be judgments expressing a person's attitude to the law:  The law should be observed in any case;  There are cases, legislation; when certain provisions can be broken  If the penalties for non-compliance with laws were severe, the law would not be broken;  I don't worry too much about breaking the law if no one can find out about it;  And other judgments. 7 Judgments should be quite unambiguous and understandable and formulated in such a way that people holding a different opinion (opposite views) could not agree with them. The initial number of such judgments should be about 30. Stage 2 - the judgments noted in stage 1 should be written on cards that are offered to future respondents. Their number should be about 50. Stage 3 - future respondents are invited to sort all the judgments (cards) one after the other sequentially into 11 groups, and in the first group put judgments in which, in the opinion of the future respondent, the most positive attitude towards this object or phenomenon, in group 11 put judgments as negative as possible. In group 6 neutral judgments (according to the future respondent) should be placed, and in the intervals from 1 to 6 and from 6 to 11 groups all other intermediate judgments. Stage 4 - after sorting, a thorough analysis begins in order to establish: (a) - the degree of consistency of future respondents (b) - the "price" of each judgment on a scale of 11 intervals (this scale was found experimentally and is relative). Stage 5 - judgments (respondents) that received the most consistent assessments are selected in the final group. Stage 6 - for use in a mass survey, all judgments are shuffled in disorder. Respondents express agreement or disagreement with each of the proposed judgments. The price of judgments is not set in the questionnaire: the weights of all judgments are recorded in the instructions for data processing. Stage 7 - during the analysis, the arithmetic mean "price" of judgments belonging to this group is determined. Stage 8 - when selecting a future respondent, his “price” of an “individual” judgment is compared with the arithmetic mean “price” of this group of judgments (the number of groups is from 1 to 11). 12. Data collection methods There are three principal classes of primary information (empirical data) collection:  Direct observation;  Analysis of documents;  Polls. 8 However, the technique of their implementation is so diverse that some of the techniques acquire the status independent methods. For example: surveys can be implemented through interviews or questionnaires. A special position in the complex of methods for collecting primary data is occupied by experimental methods and technological tests. 12.1. Direct observations This type of observation means direct registration of an event by an eyewitness. Exist various ways improving the reliability of data obtained by direct observation. Simple observations are of two types:  Simple observation, when the observer does not participate in the process;  Simple observation with the participation (complicity) of the observer in the process. One method or another is used depending on the task at hand. If there was a need practical influence on the course of the development of the process, then the method of direct observation with complicity is often used. The procedure of any observation consists of answers to the following questions:  What to observe?  How to observe?  How do you keep records? 12.2. Documentary sources Documentary sources in sociology are any information recorded on various types of media (paper, magnetic media, photos, etc.). According to the source of information, documents are divided into primary and secondary. Secondary sources of information are usually checked for relevance and reliability. 12.3. Questionnaire polls and interviews Polls are an indispensable method of obtaining information about the subjective world of people, their inclinations, motives, and opinions. The survey allows you to mentally 9 simulate any situations necessary for the experimenter in order to identify the stability of situations, motives and subjective states. individuals or communities. Types of polls:  Interview;  Questionnaire. An interview is a conversation conducted according to a specific plan. There are two types of interviews: free and standardized. Free interview involves long conversations without strict detailing of questions. A standardized interview implies both formalized observations and a detailed development of the entire procedure, including the general plan of the conversation, the sequence and design of questions, and possible answers. Telephone interviews are used to quickly solicit opinions. Questionnaires are classified primarily by the content and design of the questions asked. Distinguish between open surveys, when respondents express themselves in free form and closed surveys, when all answers are provided in the questionnaire. The Rapid Poll is used in public opinion surveys and contains only 34 questions of basic information, plus a few items related to demographic and social characteristics respondents. Each type of survey has its own advantages and disadvantages. The choice of the type of survey depends on the essence of the task of sociological research, the time of obtaining the results, the choice of the group of respondents, the professionalism of the specialist conducting the survey, the required degree of reliability of the answers received, the choice of the response rating scale, the program logic of the answers, taking into account the specific culture and practical experience of the respondent, etc. d. 13. Analysis of Empirical Data The technique of analysis is a vast field, and, if necessary, specialists use specialized literature. However, when analyzing empirical data, there are standardized techniques, namely:  Grouping and typology of data; 10  Search for relationships between variables (data);  Experimental analysis;  Analysis of data from repeated and comparative studies;  Sequence of actions in data analysis. Grouping and typology of data Simple grouping is the classification or ordering of data according to one attribute. The linking of facts into the system is carried out in accordance with the descriptive hypothesis regarding the leading feature of the grouping (or the feature of classification). Thus, depending on the hypotheses, data can be grouped according to age, gender, occupation, education, etc. Grouping can be carried out on the basis of increasing (decreasing) a certain series of data of the same kind (quality). The number of members of the group is called the frequency or size of the group, and the ratio of this number to total number observations - shares or relative frequency. Exist different kinds groupings, so, for example, simple groupings can be classified according to some parameter into cross groupings. Empirical typology is an analysis technique for finding stable combinations of properties of social objects (or phenomena) considered in several dimensions simultaneously. For example: ordering links (defining links) with three signs of profession, qualification and education. In human communities, these properties determine the emergence of heterogeneous groups within these communities. The study of multidimensional relationships and interdependence between data is a typical task in sociology. 14. Sequence of actions in data analysis Depending on the goals of sociological research, the analysis of the data obtained can be more or less deep and thorough. The first stage is the description of the entire set of data in their simplest form, namely:  "Erase" of data arrays that do not correspond to the sampling model;  Screening of data of incompetent respondents;  Ordering data by individual characteristics. 11 The second stage is the "compression" of the initial information, i.e. identification of typical groups; formation of summary signs. The third stage is the deepening of interpretation and the transition to the explanation of facts by identifying possible direct and indirect influences on aggregated properties. 15. Program and organization of sociological research The program and work plan of applied research form a single document. Main elements of the program 1. A clear statement of the purpose of the research, indicating the expected results. 2. Brief justification of the problem and possible ways her study. 3. Determining the type of sample (during a sample survey), indicating its size, listing the methods of data collection and the method of processing the results. 4. Working plan of the study. This section indicates the stages of work and the timing of these stages. 5. Preparation of a report with recommendations. Literature Yadov V. A. “Sociological research: methodology program methods” Shcheglov B. M. “Mathematical processing of observations”, Nauka publishing house, main editorial office of physical and mathematical literature, Moscow - 1969 12

Sociological research: methodology program methods

Yadov V.A. one

Sociological research: methodology program methods 1

2. THE CONCEPT OF SOCIAL FACT 3

3. METHODOLOGY 9

4. METHODS, TECHNIQUES, PROCEDURES 17

II. PROGRAM OF THEORETICAL AND APPLIED SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH 22

1. PROBLEM, OBJECT AND SUBJECT OF STUDY 23

2. DEFINITION OF THE PURPOSE AND OBJECTIVES OF THE RESEARCH 27

5. FORMULATION OF WORKING HYPOTHESES 40

6. PRINCIPAL (STRATEGIC) RESEARCH PLAN 45

7. PROGRAM REQUIREMENTS FOR SAMPLE 50

8. GENERAL REQUIREMENTS FOR THE PROGRAM 56

III. PRIMARY MEASUREMENT OF SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS 62

1. CONSTRUCTION OF THE STANDARD OF MEASUREMENT - SCALE 63

MEASUREMENT REFERENCE SEARCH 63

METHODS TO CHECK THE PRIMARY MEASUREMENT PROCEDURE FOR RELIABILITY 65

2. GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF SCALES 78

SIMPLE NOMINAL SCALE 79

PARTIALLY ORDERED SCALE 81

ORIGINAL SCALE 82

METRIC EQUAL INTERVALS 87

PROPORTIONAL SCORE 88

3. SEARCH FOR THE UNIVERSAL CONTINUUM IN GUTTMANN SCALES (ORDERED NOMINAL SCALE) 90

4. USING JUDGES TO SELECT ITEMS ON THE THURSTONE EQUAL INTERVAL SCALE 95

5. FOUR ESSENTIAL LIMITATIONS OF QUANTIFICATION OF PRIMARY SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS 98

IV. DATA COLLECTION METHODS 103

1. DIRECT OBSERVATION 103

2. DOCUMENTARY SOURCES 112

3. QUESTIONNAIRE AND INTERVIEW 124

4. SOME PSYCHOLOGICAL PROCEDURES 165

V. ANALYSIS OF EMPIRICAL DATA 181

1. GROUPING AND TYPOLOGATION 181

2. SEARCH FOR RELATIONS BETWEEN VARIABLES 188

3. SOCIAL EXPERIMENT - A METHOD OF VERIFICATION OF A SCIENTIFIC HYPOTHESIS 199

4. ANALYSIS OF THE DATA REPEATED AND COMPARATIVE STUDIES 210

5. SEQUENCE OF ACTIONS IN DATA ANALYSIS 216

VI. ORGANIZATION OF THE RESEARCH 221

1. FEATURES OF THE ORGANIZATION OF THEORETICAL AND APPLIED RESEARCH 221

2. FEATURES OF THE METHODOLOGY AND STAGES OF DEVELOPING APPLIED RESEARCH 229

APPENDIX 239

PROFESSIONAL CODE OF SOCIOLOGY 239

2. The concept of social fact

What is the factual basis of sociological knowledge, what does the concept of "social fact" mean?

Facts can be considered in the ontological (not dependent on consciousness) and logical-epistemological plans. In the ontological sense, facts are any states of reality that do not depend on the observer or events that have taken place. In the logical and epistemological terms, facts are justified knowledge, which is obtained by describing individual fragments of reality in a certain strictly defined space-time interval. These are the elementary components of the knowledge system.

The following can act as social facts: (a) the behavior of individuals or entire social communities, (b) products of human activity (material or spiritual), or (c) verbal actions of people (judgments, opinions, views, etc.).

In epistemological terms, social facts acquire meaning thanks to one or another system of concepts in which we describe fragments of social reality. Paradoxical as it may seem, a scientific fact is a certain result of the cognitive process, and not its beginning. Of course, this is a preliminary, intermediate result at the level of empirical generalization.

Let's consider this problem. Suppose that a sociologist gives a "factual description" of the socio-political activity of workers in an industrial enterprise, using externally well-recognized signs of such activity, for example, speaking at a meeting, participating in various initiatives, etc. Summarizing the data obtained, our sociologist found that managers are most active, and low-skilled workers are the least active.

Is such a statement a "fact"? As if yes. If we delve deeper into these things, we will find that the reliability of this description is highly doubtful. Why? It is true that foremen and technologists of workshops spoke at meetings much more often, almost all of them are members of some kind of public organizations, many of them initiate useful undertakings. They are socially active. But after all, a certain level of social initiative is imputed to the duties of management personnel. What can you say about a director or foreman who keeps silent at meetings? - Bad leader. And it will be fair. What shall we say about the auxiliary worker, who only once spoke at the meeting with serious criticism and analysis of the organizational problems in the shop? Let's say: "active" worker. Nobody forced him to speak. It was not included in his production functions at all. Moreover, he could be afraid to do this, fearing "pressure" from his direct leader, whom he sharply criticized. So what, in factual descriptions of our sociologist, is reliable, and what is not reliable?

Separate events of social reality, as a rule, are elementary "particles" of the mass process. The task of the sociologist is to separate individual differences, which are systematic, from random ones, and thereby describe the stable properties of this process. For this, the apparatus of probabilistic statistics is used, the basis of which is the law of large numbers.

By definition B.C. Nemchinov, the law of large numbers is “a general principle by virtue of which the cumulative action of a large number of individual causes and conditions containing elements of a random nature, under certain very general conditions, leads to a result that is almost independent of chance” . Necessary prerequisites for the operation of this law: a sufficient number of observations and the independence of individual events from some common cause (in the sense of dynamic dependence).

Without dwelling on the special problems associated with the concept of randomness in social phenomena, we point out that the second prerequisite for the operation of the law is observed wherever we are dealing with the behavior of sufficiently large masses of individuals, if their actions are not strictly regulated, which excludes any possibility of personal initiative, those. individual evasion from a given program of action.

Therefore, along with the concept of "social fact" V.I. Lenin used the expression "statistical fact", which can be defined as typical summary numerical characteristics based on specially organized mass observation of social phenomena.

We now know that (a) social facts are abstractions insofar as they are descriptions of certain events in general terms, and (b) that they are predominantly social-statistical generalizations.

Therefore, the inclusion of factual knowledge in the system of science presupposes a certain conceptual scheme ("correlation system") in which we register observations of a set of events. How to choose a scientifically substantiated "correlation system" for describing elementary "pieces" of reality?

Let us turn to the well-known reasoning of V.I. Lenin about the dialectical definition of the concept, in contrast to the eclectic one. In a discussion on trade unions in 1921, he ridiculed the eclectic approach to the definition of an object, when he limited himself to enumerating its various features: the features of a glass - a vessel for drinking and at the same time a glass cylinder. Objecting to this method of determination, V.I. Lenin said: “Dialectical logic demands that we go further. In order to really know an object, it is necessary to grasp, to study all its aspects, all connections and "mediations". We will never achieve this completely, but the demand for comprehensiveness will warn us against mistakes and from deadness. This is first. Secondly, dialectical logic requires that an object be taken in its development, "self-movement" (as Hegel sometimes says), change. In relation to the glass, this is not immediately clear, but the glass does not remain unchanged, and in particular the purpose of the glass changes, its use, connection him with the outside world. Thirdly, all human practice must enter into a complete "definition" of the subject both as a criterion of truth and as a practical determinant of the relationship of the subject with what a person needs. Fourth, dialectical logic teaches that "there is no abstract truth, truth is always concrete," as the late Plekhanov liked to say, following Hegel.

Let us try to translate these Leninist remarks into rules of procedure for social research.

Saying that comprehensiveness is needed as a requirement for objectivity, Lenin emphasizes that this comprehensiveness is practically unattainable. But the requirement of comprehensiveness is valuable because it emphasizes the relativity of truth, shows that we never obtain absolute knowledge in any study. We are acquiring some relative knowledge and we must clearly define the extent to which it is reliable and under what conditions it turns into unreliable knowledge.

Let's return to our example with the study of social activity. We already know that the concept of "activity" is specific not only in terms of the features that express it, but also in terms of the conditions of the worker's activity. Taken out of specific conditions, the signs of activity (the frequency of their manifestation) turn out to be incomparable. It is necessary to find in the research procedure such an indicator that would express precisely this relativity of the activity criteria in relation to the specific positions and conditions in which the employees of the enterprise are placed.

As one of the possible indicators, we take the frequency of manifestations of signs of activity, the reciprocal of the probability of their occurrence. In other words, the more often a given property is found, the more "normal" it is, the less will be its relative importance, its "weight" for a given group of workers.

If the probability of speaking at the meeting p = a/n, where P- number of all observations, for example, all participants included in the analysis of meetings; but - the number of favorable observations (i.e. those cases when speeches were recorded), then the weight of the attribute "speak at the meeting" will be equal to l/R or p / a. If the probability of speaking at a meeting for all heads of departments of the plant approaches one, we can say that the usual norm of behavior takes place here. But, if the probability of a low-skilled worker speaking at the meeting is significantly lower, then the weight of this indicator increases sharply.

Since the weight of the attribute "speaking at a meeting" for the entire mass of ordinary workers will be higher than for the entire mass of managerial personnel, the possession of such a trait clearly increases the overall "index of activity" for any given ordinary worker, but not for a given ordinary manager. But for managers, some other sign of activity will receive high weight, for example, independent decision-making and consistency in their implementation, the relative weight of which will turn out to be statistically more significant for this group of employees than the sign "speaking at a meeting."

The determination of such fairly stable "weights" of signs is possible on large populations of subjects. Then the probability values ​​tend to stabilize (as do their reciprocal feature weights). And only then can they be used to assess the activity of individuals, collectively constituting a mass of units with a stable probability of such and such a behavior.

The second indication, which is contained in the quoted Lenin's words: "We must take the object in its development, "self-movement", take into account that the connection of the object with the surrounding world is changing."

The closest system of correlation in which it is necessary to consider the connection of an object with the surrounding world is specific social situation those. a set of general and specific life circumstances and social factors in which we fix the observed events. "A concrete social situation is the result of a complex interaction of various elements of the social structure in a given historical period."

The allocation of general and specific factors depends on the conditions that V.I. Lenin speaks in the third and fourth paragraphs of the quoted passage. From the point of view of the research procedure, significant general and specific factors of a particular situation are determined depending on the following criteria:

What is the practical or theoretical purpose of the study (what is the object being studied for)?

What is the subject of the study (what exactly in this object interests us from the point of view of the purpose of the study)?

What is the state of theoretical and practical knowledge that makes it possible to describe, generalize and explain the facts in a given situation?

Theory in this case accumulates previous practice. If, as V.I. Lenin, the definition includes all social practice, this means that there is some theory as a practically confirmed system of ideas about reality. In this sense, social practice enters into the determination of the connection in which certain phenomena should be taken.

It should be noted here that, of course, a separate event of special socio-historical significance can also act as a social fact. But everything that V.I. wrote about also fully applies to the description of such an event. Lenin. Such an event is, for example, the definition of the essence of Soviet trade unions, in a discussion about the nature of which V.I. Lenin cited the arguments discussed above.

However, there is still a very significant limitation: the selection of general and specific factors in a particular situation depends not only on the goal and subject of research, on the state of the theory, but also on the worldview of the researcher. When a sociologist writes that such and such a group of people is socially active, and such and such is passive, this statement expresses a certain civic position of the researcher.

The question arises: does sociological knowledge have factual certainty?

To understand this issue, let's divide it into two problems: one is the problem of the validity of a factual statement and the second is the problem of its truth.

The validity of a factual statement depends on the state of our knowledge and some criteria that serve as arguments indicating that such and such factual statements are legitimate.

Let us give a general scheme of the sequence of operations necessary to establish substantiated sociological facts (Fig. 1).

The first level in this scheme is the general premise of the validity of factual knowledge. These are our fundamental ideas about the essence of social and natural reality, our worldview. If miscalculations, illusions, misconceptions are allowed at this level, then they will be "superimposed" on all subsequent research operations. The second level is the state and development of sociological theory. Here we have in mind the system of already achieved scientific knowledge about the objects of research, based on which and by comparing with new, still unsystematized observations (or data from other sciences), hypotheses are put forward regarding unexplored social phenomena and processes.

They form a conceptual "framework" in which individual events in specific social situations will be described. The condition for such a transition from existing theoretical concepts to empirical research is the empirical interpretation of concepts, which we will discuss in the next chapter.

The third level is procedural. This is a system of knowledge about research methods and techniques that provide reliable and stable factual information.

These three prerequisites form the main conditions for compiling a sound research program, which, in turn, determines the content and sequence of empirical procedures for collecting and processing factual data.

The final "product" of this activity - scientific facts - is introduced into sociological theory. In a rigidly targeted study, they enter the system of knowledge from which the initial hypotheses were extracted. Of course, on the basis of well-founded facts, their other theoretical interpretation is also possible. But then additional research will be required to check the reliability of the factual base, because it is extremely rare to give a truly complete and comprehensive description of the facts; some essential properties and connections of the observed phenomena from a different point of view will turn out to be less convincing or not covered at all.

It is also clear that the introduction of new scientific facts in one way or another modifies the theory of a given level, and changes in a number of special sociological theories lead to corresponding transformations at higher levels of knowledge. Such is, as it were, the spiral path of development of any science. The initial stage of research on any turn of the spiral is the existing systemic knowledge, and the final stage is new systemic knowledge and the transition to the next turn.

In this process of erecting the edifice of sociological science, facts play an enormous role, but they still remain "raw building material."

As for the truth of knowledge, although it is directly related to its validity, it still presents a special problem. Unlike validity, truth cannot be established by logical reasoning. The criterion of truth is the practical mastery of the subject.

The practice can be viewed in different aspects: both as a planned social experiment and as a socio-historical experience. The result of the practical development of an object can confirm or refute ideas about it. Our desire to have a complete proof of the truth "right away" is not feasible. When conducting research and in each individual case extracting some "piece" of reliable knowledge, it should be remembered that the future may partially refute our current ideas. So, in addition to the desire to obtain true knowledge, you need to be able to practically verify their compliance with reality.

In conclusion, let us briefly formulate what the concept of "social fact" is. It means that:

1) scientific description and generalization are subject to mass social events that relate to socially significant acts of individual or group, real and verbal behavior and to the products of people's activities. The significance of these acts is determined by the problem and purpose of the study, as well as the state of the theory in terms of which we consider a specific social situation;

2) the generalization of mass events is carried out, as a rule, by statistical means, which does not deprive the status of social facts of individual events of special social significance;

3) the description and generalization of social phenomena is carried out in scientific terms, and if these are concepts of sociological knowledge, then the corresponding social facts can be called "sociological" facts.