Parting

Russians are not our enemies. How do modern Germans relate to the Great Patriotic War? How do modern Germans view the Third Reich?

Adolf Hitler is certainly persona non grata in modern German society. Those. in modern Germany, his ideas and, in general, all of National Socialism are condemned at all levels. In school, university, television, books - the Germans are generally brought up with a very strong inoculation against any manifestation of nationalism and totalitarianism. In general, this is a very, very interesting example, I don’t remember anything like it in history, when the entire identity of a society is built on the basis of a kind of “negative” memory. Not based on a narrative of a great victory, great personalities and accomplishments, but based on the idea that, they say, “we Germans staged a terrible massacre, it was terrible, we are to blame and now we must ensure that this does not happen again ". In this system of values, Hitler naturally occupies the place of one of the main "anti-heroes".

However, I do not agree with the statement here that the Germans try to avoid the topic of Nazism and the personality of Hitler in their conversation. In my experience, not at all. I once even conducted a mini-survey among German acquaintances: “What historical character do you associate with German history?”. And who do you think won? Hitler. But not because they love him so much, but on the contrary - people simply did not hesitate to admit that yes, alas, the Fuhrer had a very strong and negative impact on the history of Germany. By the way, there is a very significant difference from any similar polls in Russia (about Russian history), where people immediately begin to think in the direction of “who is our most hero here.”

Among young people in Germany, however, there is a different trend. Namely, Hitler is gradually turning into a pop culture character. About which everyone seems to know that he is “bad”, but it was so long ago that you can already laugh. Or make cool memes. In Germany, in the last few years, a book was published, and then its film adaptation, "He's Here Again" - a kind of fantasy that Hitler suddenly wakes up in the middle of modern Berlin. And all his adventures in the world of mass media and show business begin. So the book became a bestseller. It's just that young people often don't care about what happened 70 years ago. And the name seems to be well-known, but it is found in all sorts of computer games. Again, Hitler is not justified, he is simply being made ridiculous.

And finally, one more thing. Although National Socialism and the war it started are condemned, there is interesting phenomenon. Try to ask modern Germans about what their grandfathers / great-grandfathers did at that time. 9 people out of 10 (if not more) will tell stories that, they say, just my ancestor was not like everyone else, he did not kill anyone, did not like the Nazis and quietly criticized. Or even wrecking the Third Reich and hiding the persecuted communists / Jews. And so everywhere. Of course, the question remains, who then fought, went to conquer and generally supported this Third Reich? But such is the property of memory - at the collective level, a stable idea of \u200b\u200b"how bad it was", at the personal-family level - taboo and oblivion of unpleasant moments of the biography.

... I read to Molotov the so-called "Hitler's testament", a note made by Bormann on February 14, 1945:

“The disastrous factor of this war turned out to be that Germany started it too early and at the same time too late. From a purely military point of view, we should have started the war earlier. I should have seized the initiative back in 1938, and not allowed myself to be dragged into the war in 1939 ... "

- Certainly! Molotov notes.

“…for war was inevitable anyway. However, one can hardly blame me, since England and France agreed in Munich with all my demands!

From the point of view of today, the war is much overdue. But in terms of our moral preparation, it started much earlier than it should have. My students have not yet reached full maturity…”

- Well, he already gave it! exclaims Molotov.

- “... I, in essence, would need another twenty years to mature this new elite, the elite of youth, immersed from the very early childhood in the philosophy of National Socialism. It is always a tragedy for us Germans that we never have enough time. Circumstances have always developed in such a way that we were forced to hurry, and if we do not have time now, this is mainly due to the fact that we do not have enough space. The Russians, with their vast expanses, have the luxury of forgoing haste. Time works in their favor and against us…”

“But the Russians were in this position not in 1941, but long before that, and he could have understood, but he didn't. This is his shortcoming, - Molotov comments.

- “... why exactly 1941? Because, given the steadily growing power of our Western enemies, if we were to act at all, we should have done so with a minimum of delay. And pay attention: Stalin did not sit idly by…”

- Well, of course! Molotov nods.

- “... Time was again against us on two fronts. In reality, the question was not why June 22, 1941, but rather why not earlier?

- Right, right.

- "... If it were not for the difficulties created for us by the Italians, and their idiotic campaign in Greece, I would have attacked Russia a few weeks earlier ..."

- Well, I had to.

- "...Our the main problem came down to keeping Russia as long as possible from speaking out, and I was always tormented by the nightmare that Stalin might take the initiative before me ... "

“Of course, this was also a well-known question,” Molotov agrees.

“... We can predict with certainty that whatever the outcome of the war, the British Empire will come to an end. She is mortally wounded. The future of the British people is to die of hunger and tuberculosis on their cursed island ... "

Yes, he told me himself. In this way, he said: "Some damned island ..."

- Did you admit that if not them, then we will be the first to start?

We didn't develop such a plan. We have five years. We didn't have any allies. Then they would unite with Germany against us. America was against us, England was against us, France would not lag behind.

- But the then official doctrine was: we will fight on foreign territory, with little bloodshed.

- Who can prepare such a doctrine that please come to our territory and, please, fight with us ?! Molotov says. - The Minister of War will say: "Come to us!" Of course, he will say: “With little blood and on foreign territory!” This is already a campaign. So agitation prevailed over natural politics, and this is also necessary, it is also impossible without it.

“Hitler says: “We need only one thing - to refuse to recognize ourselves defeated, because for the German people the very fact of continuing independence, existence is already a victory. This alone will be enough to justify this war, which will not be in vain. In any case, it could not be avoided. The enemies of German National Socialism imposed it on me back in January 1933…”

And he begins with this: “If I am destined to perish, then let the German people perish too, because they turned out to be unworthy of me.”

This phrase is well known. Pretty stupid, says Molotov.

- How did Stalin treat Hitler as a person, how did he evaluate him?

- To say - underestimated, it would be wrong. He saw that after all Hitler organized the German people for a short time. There was a big communist party, and it's gone - they're gone! And Hitler led the people, well, the Germans fought during the war in such a way that it was felt. Therefore, Stalin, as a cold-blooded person when discussing grand strategy, he took this matter very seriously.

06.12.1969, 09.07.1971, 31.07.1972, 08.03.1974, 14.01.1975,

24.05.1975, 16.08.1977, 24.07.1978, 04.11.1978, 01.07.1979,

09.01.1981, 21.10.1982, 11.03.1983, 16.06.1983

Went to receive Schulenburg

... I ask Molotov:

I re-read Zhukov's Memoirs and Reflections, and the situation of June 22, 1941 is still not entirely clear to me. He said: “At about 12 o’clock in the morning, the commander of the Kiev military district, General Kirponos, reported that another German defector soldier had appeared and said that at 4 o’clock the German troops would go on the offensive.

Everything indicated that, - writes Zhukov, - that the German troops were moving closer to the border. We reported this to JV Stalin at 00.30 in the morning. JV Stalin asked if the directive had been sent to the districts. I answered in the affirmative.

After the death of I. V. Stalin, versions appeared that on the night of June 22, some commanders and their headquarters, without suspecting anything, were sleeping peacefully or having carefree fun. This is not true ... At 3 hours 07 minutes, the commander of the Black Sea Fleet, Admiral F. S. Oktyabrsky, called me on HF and said: “The VNOS system of the fleet reports on the approach from the sea a large number unknown aircraft... I asked the admiral: “Your decision?” - “There is only one solution: to meet the planes with fire air defense fleet."

... At 3 hours 30 minutes, the chief of staff of the Western District, General V. E. Klimovskikh, reported on a German air raid on the cities of Belarus ... The People's Commissar ordered me to call I. V. Stalin. I'm calling. Nobody answers the phone. I keep calling…”

It’s already about four in the morning, ”I say to Molotov, looking up from the book.

- Yes, we gathered earlier, earlier! Molotov objected ardently. - He wants to somehow show himself, he believes that he correctly understood the situation, but he also did not understand well.

About three minutes later I. V. Stalin approached the apparatus.

I reported the situation and asked permission to start retaliatory hostilities. JV Stalin is silent. I can only hear his breath.

- Do you understand me? Again silence.

Finally, I. V. Stalin asked:

- Where is the commissar?

- He speaks with the Kiev district on HF.

- Come to the Kremlin with Tymoshenko. Tell Poskrebyshev to call all the members of the Politburo.”

“And that was before,” Molotov asserts again.

“At 4 o'clock I again spoke with F.S. Oktyabrsky. He said in a calm tone:

- Enemy raid repulsed. An attempt to hit the ships was thwarted. But there is destruction in the city.

... At 4:30 in the morning all the summoned members of the Politburo were assembled.

“Before,” Molotov says.

– “Me and the People's Commissar were invited to the office. JV Stalin was pale and sat at the table, holding a pipe stuffed with tobacco in his hands. He said:

“We need to urgently call the German embassy.

The embassy replied that Ambassador Count von Schulenburg asked to receive him for an urgent message.

V. M. Molotov was instructed to receive the ambassador.

Meanwhile, the First Deputy Chief of the General Staff, General N.F. Vatutin, reported that the German ground forces, after heavy artillery fire in a number of sectors of the northwestern and western directions, went on the offensive.

After some time, V. M. Molotov quickly entered the office:

The German government has declared war on us. JV Stalin sank into a chair and thought deeply.

And this is already somewhere around five in the morning it turns out, - I say.

“Yes, inaccurate, wrong,” Molotov answers. – Zhukov does not say here that Stalin ordered everything to be strictly monitored and reported, but one must understand that there will probably be all sorts of provocative messages – one cannot take their word for it.

... Many times in the seventeen years of our meetings, the conversation returned to June 22. In general, according to Molotov, such a picture turned out.

“Either Zhukov is mistaken, or I forgot,” says Molotov. Zhukov called. He did not say that the war had begun, but there was already danger on the border. Either the bombing, or received other disturbing information. It is quite possible that real war not yet, but already the intensity was such that the headquarters realized that it was necessary to get together. In extreme cases, at about two o'clock in the morning we gathered in the Kremlin, at Stalin's - when you go from the dacha, you need thirty to thirty-five minutes.

- But Zhukov writes that he woke up Stalin and reported that they were bombing. So, they bombed already at one in the morning?

- Wait... In this part, he may not be accurate. Zhukov and Timoshenko got us up: something alarming had already begun at the border. Maybe someone informed them about some separate bombing earlier, and before two it started, this is a secondary issue. We gathered at Comrade Stalin's in the Kremlin at about two o'clock in the morning, an official meeting, all members of the Politburo were called. Before that, on June 21, in the evening we were at Stalin's dacha until eleven or twelve. Maybe they even watched a movie, at one time we often did this in the evening - after dinner we watched a movie. Then they dispersed, and they gathered us again. And between two and three in the morning, Schulenburg called to my secretariat, and from my secretariat to Poskrebyshev, that the German ambassador Schulenburg wanted to see the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs, Molotov. Well, then I went upstairs from Stalin's office to my room, we were in the same house, on the same floor, but in different areas. My office faced Ivan the Great at a corner. The members of the Politburo stayed with Stalin, and I went to my place to receive Schulenburg - it's two or three minutes to pass. Otherwise, it would have been like this: if they called me at the dacha that Schulenburg was asking for an appointment, then I had to call Stalin - ambassadors do not call foreign ministers at night. And, of course, in that case I would not have gone to meet Schulenburg without Stalin's knowledge, and I don't remember calling Stalin from the dacha. But I would remember, because I could not have any other thought than that a war is starting, or something like that. But it was not Schulenburg who called me, but a Chekist associated with Poskrebyshev: Stalin gave the order to get together. I took Schulenburg at half past two or three in the morning, I think not later than three o'clock. The German ambassador delivered the note at the same time as the attack. Everything was coordinated with them, and, apparently, the ambassador had instructions: to appear at such and such an hour, he knew when it would begin. We, of course, could not know this.

“But even at three the Germans hadn’t attacked us yet…”

- IN different places differently. A raid was repulsed in Sevastopol. They attacked in two or three hours. Why are you holding on to the trifling part of this case? Everything, of course, is interesting, and these details can be clarified up to a minute through documents and inquiries, but they do not matter. Malenkov and Kaganovich must remember when they were called. This, in my opinion, was no later than half past three. And Zhukov and Timoshenko arrived no later than three hours. And the fact that Zhukov relates this to the time after four, he is deliberately late in order to adjust the time to his watch. Events unfolded earlier.

- It is known that Stalin usually worked at night, but for some reason he slept that night, and Zhukov woke him up ...

- Yes, Zhukov wants to show himself. This is not quite accurate, - Molotov answers.

- I don’t know how true this is, but who to ask, if not you, you allegedly told the ambassador: “What did we do to deserve this?”

- If you take from the book of Werth - this is fiction. He wasn't there, how could he know? This is pure fiction. Of course, I couldn't say such nonsense. Ridiculous. Absurd. Who could he get it from? There were two Germans and my translator... Chakovsky also has a lot of far-fetched psychology when he describes this episode. But Schulenburg was accepted by me, not Chakovsky...

– It is known that Count Schulenburg was against the war with the Soviet Union. In this regard, he even sent a memorandum to Hitler before the war. In addition to official, diplomatic words, did he say anything personal?

- Then there was no time for personal conversations. Schulenburg kept calm. Of course, he couldn't do anything. Subsequently, he was shot.

Did you report badly to Hitler about Russia?

“Well, it probably goes without saying. But - participated in a conspiracy against Hitler. But his translator, counselor of the German Embassy Hilger, when they handed the note, shed a tear.

Was Schulenburg already old then?

What does old mean? Mo-younger than my-my present age, and even now I am not old enough.

06.12.1969, 31.07.1972,

15.08.1972, 21.05.1974

Was Stalin confused?

- Zhukov disclaims responsibility for starting the war, but this is naive. And not only takes off himself, he gets confused. On June 21, a directive was presented that it was necessary to put the troops on alert. He has an ambiguity: either right, he thinks, Stalin corrected, or wrong, he will say. And of course, Stalin corrected correctly. And in some districts they managed to take measures, but in Belarus they failed ...

08.03.1974

When the war began, Molotov says, he went with Stalin to the People's Commissariat of Defense. With them was Malenkov and someone else. Stalin spoke rather rudely to Timoshenko and Zhukov.

“He rarely lost his temper,” Molotov says.

Why me and not Stalin? He didn't want to speak first, there needs to be a clearer picture, what tone and what approach. He, like an automaton, could not immediately answer everything, this is impossible. Man indeed. But not only a person - this is not entirely accurate. He is both a man and a politician. As a politician, he had to wait and see something, because his manner of speaking was very clear, and at that time it was impossible to orient himself, to give a clear answer. He said that he would wait a few days and come forward when the situation on the fronts cleared up.

- Your words: “Our cause is just. The enemy will be defeated, victory will be ours,” became one of the main slogans of the war.

- This is an official speech. I compiled it, edited it, all members of the Politburo participated. Therefore, I cannot say that these are just my words, there were corrections and additions, of course.

Was Stalin involved?

- Of course, still would! Such a speech simply could not be passed without him to approve, and when they approve, Stalin is a very strict editor. What words he introduced, first or last, I cannot say. But he is also responsible for editing this speech.

- No, it's him. That's not how you prepare. You can't prepare for it. This is without our editorial. Some speeches he spoke without prior editing. I must say, we all spoke before without prior editing. Even in 1945 or 1946, when I gave a report at the November anniversary or spoke at the UN, these were my words, no one edited me. I did not speak in writing, but more or less freely.

Of course, I knew what Stalin would say at the parade on November 7, 1941. He spoke to me. I don’t remember if he let me read the speech—probably even let me read it. He usually let me read. At the November 7 parade, his speech was not recorded; he later recorded it separately.

- They write that in the first days of the war he was confused, lost the gift of speech.

- I was confused - it’s impossible to say, I was worried - yes, but I didn’t show it out. Stalin had his own difficulties, of course. That he didn't worry is ridiculous. But he is not portrayed as he was - as a penitent sinner he is portrayed! Well, this is absurd, of course. All these days and nights, he, as always, worked, there was no time for him to get lost or lose his speechlessness. (The famous polar pilot Hero of the Soviet Union M. V. Vodopyanov told me that on June 22, 1941, having learned about the beginning of the war, he flew by seaplane from the North to Moscow, splashed down in Khimki and immediately went to the Kremlin. He was received by Stalin. Vodopyanov proposed to carry out a raid by our bombers on fascist Germany.

– How do you imagine it? Stalin asked and went up to the map.

Vodopyanov drew a line from Moscow to Berlin

"Isn't it better from here?" - said Stalin and pointed to the islands in the Baltic Sea.

It was on the first day of the war... F.Ch.)

“It hurts that the army died,” says Shota Ivanovich, “but if the Germans had not broken through, and we would have gone on the counteroffensive and successfully advanced in Poland, England, America and other countries would have allowed us to crush Germany in 1941, would they with us?

- Stalin, Beria, Malenkov and I went to the People's Commissariat of Defense. From there, Beria and I went to Stalin's dacha, it was on the second or third day. In my opinion, Malenkov was also with us. And who else, I do not remember exactly. I remember Malenkov.

Stalin was in a very difficult state. He didn't swear, but he didn't feel comfortable.

- How did you manage?

- How did you manage? How Stalin is supposed to hold on. Firmly.

- But Chakovsky writes that he ...

- What Chakovsky writes there, I don’t remember, we talked about something completely different. He said, "Sorry." This applied to all of us put together. I remember it well, that's why I say it. “Everything asked…whether,” he simply said. And we asked ... whether. It was such a difficult state then. Well, I tried to cheer him up a little.

- Certainly. It is still unknown, - agrees Molotov.

- And how much it meant for the Soviet government that we received England and America as allies!

- That's right. That's right, says Molotov.

31.07.1972, 15.08.1972, 09.11.1973, 16.06.1977,

16.08.1977, 24.07.1978, 01.07.1979, 13.01.1984

There were no other replacements...

- You said that such a document did not seem to be in print. I found: “Appoint Comrade. Molotov Vyacheslav Mikhailovich as First Deputy Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars on all issues of the work of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR. Signatures - Kalinin, Gorkin, Pravda, August 17, 1942. The hardest time. The Germans crossed the Don.

I forgot about it,” Molotov replies. - I was the Deputy Chairman of the State Defense Committee, and there were no other deputies. And this already meant that on all issues, this is additional.

30.12.1973

Fought for this motherland

... I went to Molotov with Shota Ivanovich Kvantaliani and guests from Georgia, Indiko Samsonovich Antelava and Meliton Varlamovich Kantaria, who hoisted the banner of Victory over the Reichstag.

Nice spring day. We walked in the forest, there were a lot of people, everyone turned around and looked at Molotov for a long time.

They came and sat down at the table.

“Here is our Meliton Varlamovich, together with his friend Yegorov, hoisted this banner,” says Shota Ivanovich. - How did you climb, did you find the dome, was the Reichstag unfamiliar to you?

“Soldier savvy,” Kantaria replies.

- It was conceived, of course, correctly, - says Molotov. - Not late, but done on time. Ours, ours were ahead, right.

... A lot of things were discussed during this meeting. The topics are commonplace, and some of that diary entry is included in this book, in various places.

At the end of the conversation, Kantaria said:

- I am not very literate, but I love my Motherland, I will always defend the Soviet power, if necessary. I love my motherland…

– Georgian? Molotov asks.

- No, the Soviet Motherland. Where I was born doesn't matter. Motherland is the heart, we fought for this Motherland. For Stalin and for the Motherland. For multinational Soviet Union– shoulder to shoulder stood and won. And we'll win again if need be.

- Bring good news from Georgia, - Shota Ivanovich tells him, - how the Georgian Republic is building communism. Vyacheslav Mikhailovich loves.

“At least socialism,” says Molotov.

17.03.1974

On the fronts

- When did you go to the front?

- I went to Leningrad in 1941. Secondly, I filmed Konev. Then he went to hurry Zhukov. This, in my opinion, is in the 42nd or 43~m. These were my trips.

13.06.1974

- 1941, October. I went to the front to shoot Konev. He didn't get out. I had to explain to Konev why he should be replaced by Zhukov. Zhukov corrected the matter.

- Zhukov, it seems, protected him?

- Yes. I had to shoot Voroshilov in Leningrad too.

- Did not cope.

- He did it - he walked in the trenches all the time!

14.01.1975

- I had to be in Leningrad just in the last days before the final blockade. We flew by plane. Malenkov flew with me. Kuznetsov is a military sailor, Voronov is an artilleryman. Big group. Military. It was in August, probably on the 41st. In the summer, yes. We flew to Cherepovets by plane, then we went to Leningrad by train. It's not far there. But we couldn't get to Leningrad, and we couldn't take the train, because the route had already been interrupted there. We were on a handcar from the Mga station, landed on a handcar and got to Leningrad. And I could not return back by train, the ring closed, and after four or five days I flew by plane over Lake Ladoga. That was when it was the hardest time.

Zhdanov was in Leningrad. He is a very good friend, very good man. But then he was very confused. Everything is going badly, the Germans surrounded them, surrounded them and finally locked them up.

It was precisely at that moment that I arrived there on Stalin's instructions, and soon after my return they sent Zhukov to Leningrad.

- Chakovsky in "Blockade" does not have this.

And finally, one more thing. Although National Socialism and the war it started are denounced, there is an interesting phenomenon. Try to ask modern Germans about what their grandfathers / great-grandfathers did at that time. 9 people out of 10 (if not more) will tell stories that, they say, just my ancestor was not like everyone else, he did not kill anyone, did not like the Nazis and quietly criticized. Or even wrecking the Third Reich and hiding the persecuted communists / Jews. And so everywhere. Of course, the question remains, who then fought, went to conquer and generally supported this Third Reich? But such is the property of memory - at the collective level, a stable idea of \u200b\u200b"how bad it was", at the personal-family level - taboo and oblivion of unpleasant moments of the biography.

Why did the Germans choose Hitler and National Socialism.
Social policy in National Socialist Germany.

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I have heard statements before that Hitler and National Socialism were successful in Germany only because of anti-Semitism and chauvinism deeply embedded in the soul German people. Say, the thirst for revenge for the lost war was very strong and then overpowered them common sense. They were not even afraid to start a new world war. It is clear that all this is for children with mental retardation. The reality was completely different. Exactly social politics in that Germany provided A. Hitler and the National Socialist political regime full support up to last days his existence. God grant that our wise and mighty have at least a hundredth of the loyalty from their people that National Socialism had then in Germany ...
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"Freedom from poverty and hunger is more important than all other freedoms" (Olof Palme)
"If the worker knows that the entrepreneur is his comrade, then you can demand anything from such a worker" (Robert Lay)
"Every truly social thought is ultimately national" (Adolf Hitler, from a speech at a party congress in 1936)

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The Reich Ministry of Labor, headed by Franz Seldte, was responsible for the social sphere in the III Reich.

Hitler wrote in Mein Kampf: "The National Socialist entrepreneur must know that prosperity national economy will ensure both his well-being and the well-being of the people. The National Socialist employer and worker must work together for the good of the nation. Class prejudices and contradictions must be peacefully resolved to the general satisfaction in the chambers of estates and in the central parliament.

Great importance Hitler attached to the creation of a SOCIALLY HOMOGENEOUS SOCIETY: "We want to educate the German people in such a way that they get rid of insane estate arrogance, a dark faith in the estate order, a false belief that only mental labor should be valued. We need to make sure that our people appreciate any work, so that he believes that any work ennobles, so that he realizes that it is a shame not to do anything for his people, not to contribute in any way to strengthening and multiplying the wealth of the nation.Those desired changes towards the improvement of the German economy and society that could not cause theories, declarations, wishes, should now follow as a result of the participation in the creative work of many millions of workers, and we must organize them.

After coming to power, Hitler ordered that social programs be generously financed: until the end of 1934 alone, the government invested about 5 billion marks in various employment programs - three times more than during the same time it invested in industry. On February 1, 1933, Hitler announced that unemployment would be eliminated in four years, and the promise was fulfilled:
when the Nazis came to power, there were 25.9 million unemployed in Germany (in the USA - 35.3 million, in France - 14.1 million),
in 1934 in Germany - 13.5 million (in the USA - 30.6 million, in France - 13.8 million),
in 1935 in Germany - 10.3 million (in the USA - 28.4 million, in France - 14.5 million),
in 1936 in Germany - 7.4 million (in the USA - 23.9 million, in France - 10.4 million),
in 1937 in Germany - 4.1 million (in the USA - 20 million, in France - 7.4 million),
in 1938 in Germany - 1.9 million (in the USA - 26.4 million, in France - 7.8 million).
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Judging from these dynamics, while in other countries unemployment was still HIGH, in Germany it has VERY DISAPPEARED. In Germany, THE CRISIS WAS OVERCOME FASTER than anyone expected. Abroad, the "German economic miracle" was already talked about in 1936: it was in this year that industrial production surpassed the pre-war level. First, the situation improved in industry, and then in the agricultural sector.

The slogan put forward by Goebbels of a "general offensive against unemployment" produced an unheard-of public outcry and had the strongest impact on the German people. Great value to eliminate social tension and reduce unemployment, extensive and generously funded public works were carried out, among which the construction of autobahns occupied a special place. On February 11, 1933, Hitler said: "If before the standard of living of the people was measured by the length of railways, then in the future it will be determined by the length of highways." Hitler ordered the construction of roads to be financed from unemployment insurance funds, and other sources were involved. Appropriate orders were given, and the work began to boil. In June 1933, Hitler appointed the artistic engineer Fritz Then "general inspector of roads". 600,000 unemployed were employed under the autobahn construction program. Another 200 thousand people were employed in the industry serving the construction of roads.

Under Hitler, the "people's car" program was adopted. On behalf of Hitler, Ley created the "Society for the preparation of the creation of a German people's car (Volkswagens)", the leadership of which was entrusted to W. Laffer. Factories were built near Wolfsburg, where the production of Volkswagens began. Numerous bridges along the path of the autobahns, on the orders of Hitler, were built either in the form of Roman aqueducts, or in the form of medieval fortifications, or in the style of modernism. All this was done so that travelers could enjoy the beauty of the landscape, perceive the beauty of nature. Therefore, special importance was attached to the location and architecture of numerous bridges. Therefore, the German autobahn network was considered the most beautiful in the world. The German autobahns consisted of two lines of solid pavement 7.5 m wide. Between them there was a three-meter strip intended for green spaces. Each line was divided into two canvases, to the right of each of them was a parking lane.

The fundamental document that determined the development of the social sphere was the "law on the organization of national labor" of January 20, 1934. This law, which proclaimed the equality of rights of employers and workers, retained its significance during the war. The law spoke of labor planning, according to which the owner of the enterprise was accountable to the state arbiter of labor, and in his person to the state in the name of the general welfare of the nation. Similar interpretation private property, focused on social welfare, WAS NOT KNOWN in the "democratic" Germany of the 1920s. The law placed the "leader of the enterprise" at the center of the organization of the production process. The interests of the labor collective, which was called the "team" in the law, were represented by a trust council having advisory functions; his essential function was overcoming social conflicts for the most complete realization of the national community. The "druzhina" swore allegiance to the "leader of the enterprise" and pledged to obey unquestioningly. In accordance with the principle of "fuhrerism", the main responsibility for the organization and conditions of production fell on the "leader of the enterprise." The Nazis believed that the entrepreneur had to behave differently than during the years of the class struggle: first of all, he had to wisely use his economic and socio-political power for the benefit of the German community. From the workers, however, no special activity was required - only loyal behavior. Especially active and enterprising "leaders of enterprises" the Nazi leadership morally encouraged, awarding them the honorary title "labor innovator".

The activities of the "leader of the enterprise" in social sphere was controlled by the "imperial arbitration of labor", which had regional authorities and was subordinate to the Ministry of Labor. The purpose of the arbitration was to resolve contentious issues and formation general rules organization of the production process. Arbitration was a kind of head socio-political instance, the main task of which was to monitor the legality and the unreal need for mass layoffs of workers, to monitor the maintenance of an acceptable minimum in working conditions, gradually transforming the latter in the direction of improvement; to issue and approve new tariff schemes for remuneration. Arbitration itself was a structural part of the Ministry of Labor, which was the main institution regulating labor relations.
The second most important (after arbitration) agency for the regulation of labor relations was the state "administration for the operational organization of works", which financed public works and other employment programs. With the proclamation of the four-year plan in 1936, state intervention in labor relations intensified: it was from 1936 that direct state control over the movement of wages and the labor market began. A prerequisite for expanding control over the structure of employment was the introduction work books and compiling databases of all employees.

The head of the DAF, Lei, sought to expand the scope of DAF's competence as much as possible. With their help, Lei sincerely wanted to create a conflict-free and friendly people's community. The main components of his credo were: the development of the welfare state, the improvement of opportunities for social growth for each person, and the achievement of social cohesion by strengthening the unity of the people. As a true follower of Hitler, Ley sought to end political pluralism and class struggle; he was a committed Nazi who took party doctrine almost like a religion and treated Hitler like a prophet. Hitler completely trusted Leia.

The leadership of the DAF often put pressure on entrepreneurs, demanding higher salaries. DAP required more extended holidays and providing better working conditions. On the initiative of the DAF, a decree was adopted, according to which, from December 5, 1933, workers were exempt from taxes if their salary did not reach 183 marks.

Before the war, he constantly expanded the scope of his competencies, and gradually the DAF turned into a super department, a whole bureaucratic state, the main tool for establishing "brown collectivism." DAF's achievements in the social sphere have been significant. He really raised social status worker. In the prewar years, the DAF did a lot of organizing material assistance; important role propaganda played in the work, with the help of which the DAF tried to increase the dignity of the workers, create better living conditions for them and get rid of the feeling among the proletariat of the pariahs of society left alone with their problems. The organization and control of vocational training meant that the DAF had in its hands an important means of influencing the social growth of workers (this area was considered by Lay as one of the priorities). Of course, in addition to caring for the workers, the DAF also performed certain protective functions: its ranks included the so-called "working squads" - Ley's ideological militia at the enterprises, as well as trust councils, courts of honor and legal advisers of the DAF.

The activity of the DAF in some areas gave positive results: for example, the program "Beauty of Labor" led to easier working conditions at enterprises. At a DAF meeting in Magdeburg in 1937, Ley said: “I will try to instill in the people such a working ethos that would help them see something beautiful and sublime in labor. I will strive to ensure that our plants and factories become temples of labor, I I will strive to make the workers the most respected class in Germany." The Nazis showed exceptional ingenuity in the cultural education of the workers, in the aestheticization of labor. At the same time, the rationalization of labor went hand in hand with functionalist aesthetics. It is interesting to note that the Bolsheviks, on the contrary, did almost nothing in this direction, relying on the fact that the improvement of working conditions would come by itself. The Germans tried to do the opposite.

The motto of the German department "Beauty of Labor" was the words: "German working days should become beautiful" - in this way the workers wanted to regain their self-esteem, a sense of the significance of their work. On January 30, 1934, within the framework of the DAF, the KDF was created, in which there was a department "Aesthetics of Labor", headed by Speer. In this department, Speer and colleagues worked with entrepreneurs, and they converted factory buildings, arranged flower pots, washed windows and expanded their area, established canteens at plants and factories, which were previously a rarity. The department designed simple functional factory tableware, furniture for workers' canteens (which began to be produced in large quantities), obliged entrepreneurs to consult with specialists on ventilation and lighting of workplaces.

The task of the department "Beauty of Labor" included not only taking care of a favorable mental atmosphere at work, but also cleanliness and colors in the workplace, natural and artificial lighting. All this was designed to increase the self-esteem and self-esteem of workers. Although the department had only a consultative status, if necessary, it could put pressure on the entrepreneur; in particular, the department organized a competition for the title of "national socialist exemplary enterprise" (this title was awarded by the KDF for one year). Having concluded an agreement with the Imperial Chamber of Fine Arts, the Beauty of Labor department attracted artists to design the buildings being built. industrial premises. The department actively dealt with the living conditions of workers in production - hygiene (shower or washstands), nutrition (quality of products, prices and design of canteens or work buffets), as well as housing conditions in those industries where people had to work away from home for a long time. The Beauty of Labor department proposed to improve living conditions construction and road (employed on the autobahn) workers through the creation and use of collapsible houses. A whole DAF institute, the Institute for the Scientific Organization of Labor, was engaged in these and similar projects.

In general, the activities of the department were extensive and varied: the decoration of village streets and research in the field of functional industrial aesthetics; improvement of workplaces in mines and in river navigation; production of functional and comfortable furniture for design bureaus and good locksmith and carpentry tools and putting things in order in the factory yards. From the side of the leadership of the DAF, calls were constantly made to arrange flowers in the factory shops, to build outdoor swimming pools and sports grounds for workers at the enterprises. In 1935, the action "good coverage of workplaces - good work" was carried out, in which the improvement of labor hygiene was associated with an increase in labor productivity, in which entrepreneurs were also interested. Campaigns followed: "clean people in a clean factory", "clean air in the workplace", "hot food in a factory". In 1935, the department "Beauty of Labor" noted 12,000 enterprises where working conditions had improved significantly; for these purposes, entrepreneurs spent 100 million Reichsmarks.

All these activities had clear social goals, reduced to the elimination of social tension. On the industrial enterprises for the workers they made showers, changing rooms, neat toilets, pools. In addition to the practical significance of the events being held, they tried to instill in the workers the impression of party concern for the common man.

The Beauty of Labor agency actively used the concept of aestheticization of labor and technical aestheticization in its policy: functional industrial buildings, steel functional structures, streamlined forms of racing cars, submarines and aircraft were cultivated. The garden city movement, rationalization, architectural modernism, the cult of technology, the ideology of efficiency were aimed at creating industrial society without the class struggle, which was the goal of the Nazis.

In 1936, the Beauty of Labor department estimated that 70,000 enterprises had been audited, tens of thousands of kitchens and canteens, recreation rooms, swimming pools, and sports grounds were built at factories for a total of 1 billion Reichsmarks.

Lay attached great importance to the organization of competition in enterprises, about the need for which he spoke in 1938: "... If we are talking about the duties of people, then for their most complete fulfillment they also need rights. The first and most important rule is to open the way for the most capable. Previously, in our country it was very difficult to break through to the top, but now the situation has changed radically. Opportunities for human development SHOULD NOT DEPEND ON MONEY AND ORIGIN. A POOR PERSON SHOULD HAVE THE SAME CHANCES AS A RICH PERSON .......".

Competitions organized at the factory contributed not only to an increase in the volume industrial production, but also the rise of individual workers on the social ladder and the reason for the increase in the social prestige of working professions. The main forms of competition were professional competition (mainly for working youth) and (since 1936) competition of individual enterprises. The achievements of individual enterprises were considered by experts in various parameters - from production to social issues.

In August 1936, by decree of Hitler, an award was introduced to the winner, who was awarded the title of "National Socialist Model Enterprise" and a challenge banner. The decree stated that enterprises that claimed to be "exemplary" must not only comply with the principles developed by the DAF, such as "beauty of work", but also meet the requirements for the level of professional training, for the "degree of commonality" between the Fuhrer of the enterprise and his subordinates. In 1937, 1.8 million people took part in competitions in professions (under the slogan "The way for the most capable and efficient").

DAF was able to financially support workers in case of illness, job loss and injury at work. The implementation of the slogan "your health is not only your own business" was considered by the regime as a prerequisite for the optimal return of workers in production and the growth of labor productivity. New medical programs for the prevention of diseases at enterprises and schools, for the protection of motherhood and childhood were of a progressive nature.

Ley considered housing construction and social insurance to be the most important areas of social policy: a good spacious apartment played a decisive role in creating and protecting a large healthy family, and sufficient social security for sickness and old age was supposed to give the German people confidence in the future. It should be noted that soon after coming to power, the Nazis managed to overcome the stagnation in the movement of housing cooperatives. Under Mine, lending to these projects was firmly established in the Reichsbank's spending system. There were also state social housing programs: one of the most active supporters of Ley Gauleiter J. Bürkel proclaimed in the newly annexed Saar to Germany the implementation of a large project of social housing construction, while the demonstrative burning of the barracks of the poor was arranged as the last symbol of class division.

Programs of the "Institute of Labor" within the framework of the DAF, dedicated to the concept new policy in the area of wages vocational education and health, were very progressive. For example, the program provided for the introduction of a state pension instead of the practiced contributions towards a future pension. In addition to the introduction of state pensions, it was planned to eliminate the division of social security into workers, for employees and for peasants; in new system it was planned to include everyone, which was always insisted on by the leaders of the labor movement during the republic. In social housing construction, DAF sought to achieve housing sizes that correspond to modern requirements and ideas. To overcome housing problems, DAF and the government made extensive use of tax breaks, subsidies, and donations; they invested in housing construction.

Actually, ideological work in the DAF since 1937 was concentrated in the departments "Holidays" and "People's Education". The department "Holidays" took the folk theater and amateur performances, folk entertainment programs into its sphere of activity. With the help of a network of branches, the "Holidays" department organized mass attendance by workers of theatrical performances and concerts with the classical repertoire. At the same time, part of the costs was borne by enterprises. This department organized art exhibitions, friendly evenings, joint celebrations or anniversaries, choral singing evenings, dance evenings and hobby groups at enterprises, ranging from philatelists to chess lovers. Since 1937, the department "Holidays" has received the authority to organize and conduct holidays in the countryside; at the same time, the need for purposeful work to preserve traditional peasant customs and traditions, to encourage folk art and crafts was emphasized. Of course, the German public reacted positively to the activities of the DAF: 60 million participants in 224 thousand events in 1939 are impressive numbers.

By 1939, 75% of the workers were somehow involved in the work of the DAF. DAF economist Ernst Schuster said in 1936: “The arrangement of free time and recreation is possible only on the basis of a certain worldview and within the framework of a general worldview. A general worldview will give us an answer about the purpose and meaning of free time and recreation and convince us that achieving the desired goal is only possible through joint efforts and organization. In such a system, rest was the main factor in demonstrating the people's community. The Nazi free time policy led to the socialization of the Germans.

Many activities of the DAF had undoubted signs of modernization in the social sphere, despite the fact that the Nazis, in imitation of the Middle Ages, wanted to present their undertakings as "estate". In the Third Reich, the "imperial estates" were recreated - handicraft, trade, industrial and creative. The Germans included in these estates had social security and a guaranteed existence. The Nazi "estate" system was a tool for educating personnel, a lever for increasing labor productivity and intensifying production.

The social policy of the DAF in the pre-war years was a real breakthrough in the social sphere. So, if in 1933, out of 42 thousand Berlin workers, 28 thousand did not leave Berlin due to the short vacation, then soon the average minimum annual leave of an industrial worker was increased from 3 to 6 days (for young people - up to 7). DAF has made vacation travel and excursions accessible to millions of people. The organization created on November 27, 1933 within the framework of the DAF, called "Strength through Joy" (KDF), took up the issues of planning and organizing the rest of workers. She, for example, offered the Germans previously unusual vacation trips for them (Hitler demanded "sufficient" vacations for German workers). On the constituent assembly Lay said that due to the growing stress in the workplace, workers should have a full rest on weekends; that only a vacation full of impressions and active various activities and entertainments is able to give a good rest, and only it prepares a person for active work and dedication. Idleness gives rise to criminal intentions, a feeling of emptiness and worthlessness, and "this is very dangerous for the state." In order to arouse a sense of happiness and gratitude in the workers and eliminate their inferiority complex, it is necessary to provide them with access to cultural values that were previously available only to the bourgeoisie. To promote physical and spiritual health, it is necessary to expand opportunities for mass sports, organize for workers tourist trips; tourism should contribute to strengthening love for the Motherland, for its nature and landscapes. Ultimately, Lay expected help from the KDF in creating "a new community, a new society of the National Socialist state." Thanks to membership dues and subsidies, the annual expenses of the KDF in 1933-1942. amounted to an average of 26.7 million marks.

As a party organization, the KDF ("Strength Through Joy") had several levels: imperial, gau (regional), district and local. The Department of Tourism, Travel and Holidays was part of the KDF under the leadership of Dr. Bodo Läferentz. Under the slogan "the German worker travels", a tourist campaign for ordinary Germans was initiated - this was unprecedented. The organization of such tourism was handled by the Department of Tourism, Travel and Holidays. A DAF spokesman said about the work of this department: "the best evidence folk character new government and the best propaganda for it is that thousands of people with calloused hands have become happy vacationers." In fact, the KDF and its holiday program was one of the most popular undertakings of the Nazi regime. Moreover, due to the popularity of this program, the KDF became one of the brightest symbols of the Nazi regime and the envy of foreigners.The work of the sports department, headed by the imperial sports director Hans von Tschamer and Osten, as well as the Beauty of Labor department, headed by the architect Albert Speer, aroused great interest among foreign guests.

The sports department was engaged not only in industrial gymnastics and sports leisure, but also the organization of large sports competitions and sports for vacationers. Since 1936, it conducted closed sports cycles for the SS, was responsible for the state of sports work in labor camps and on autobahns under construction. At the disposal of this department were their own sports bases and rest houses (including ski bases) in the Harz, Bavaria, Tyrol, as well as bases and equipment for sailing and rowing. Sailing, which was considered bourgeois, became available to many: a weekly course cost 5-60 marks, including the services of an instructor. A sailing club for girls was opened on Chiemsee. One-week skiing courses at mountain resorts, including an instructor, accommodation, meals, equipment and a road, cost 23 marks. To give an idea of the scale of the prices: the average salary in Germany was about 170 Reichsmarks.

The Department of Tourism, Travel and Holidays covered almost all possible modern directions of tourism. One-day tourist trips around the country were organized, weekend trips to nature were carried out on bicycles, on foot or in combination with a bus excursion. Tourist trips were often practiced by the entire team of the enterprise or family trips around the affordable prices. There were two-week educational trips - along the Rhine, to "annexed" Austria or to the Black Forest. Prices were kept at an affordable level due to numerous social discounts. For example, a ticket on a train in the third class cost 5-75% less for a vacationer. Equally serious discounts were on the hotel. But before the Nazis came to power, foreign tourism was considered the privilege of the top of society. And now it has become available even to workers. DAF extended its activity to skiing, tennis, horseback riding, theater and dance clubs, sports, parties of working groups, which were considered "bourgeois". A week of vacation could also be spent in the Bavarian Alps for $11, including ski rental and instruction. 14 days summer vacation on Tegernsee cost 54 Reichsmarks. In 1936, a sea resort was built on the island of Rügen - the first of the planned five climatic resorts, which received 350 thousand guests a year. A week's course at such a resort cost only 20 Reichsmarks.

For the organization of sea tourism, old ships were first used. Then, on May 1, 1936, two ships "Wilhelm Gustlov" and "Robert Ley" were laid down in Kiel, each with a displacement of 25 thousand tons, designed approximately for the same number passengers. It is noteworthy that the cabins on the ships were not divided into classes. The ships were launched in May 1937. The Robert Lee had 40 bathrooms and 100 showers for 1,600 passengers. A week-long cruise (working vacation was a week) to Madeira cost a little over 150 Reichsmarks, including travel and 5-6 meals a day. Before the Nazis came to power, a trip to Madeira cost about 400 Reichsmarks and was only available to wealthy people. Sea voyages of the KDF instantly gained popularity - the passenger liner "Admiral" went to Heligoland, "Sierra Cordova" to Genoa, "Oceana" to the Norwegian fjords, "Robert Ley" to the island of Tenerife (Canary Islands). Most KDF rented ships. A five-day sea voyage to Norway cost 55 Reichsmarks (including rail and full board en route). The most successfully organized were a day trip to the island of Heligoland, sailing on a steamer in the Baltic or mediterranean sea, to Madeira, the Azores or the Canaries, as well as educational excursions to Venice, Naples and Athens. Even trips to Japan were planned, but they were prevented by the outbreak of the Second World War.

In addition to the special departments mentioned above, the KDF (in 1939 - 7.5 thousand full-time employees and 130 thousand part-time workers) even had its own "people's theater" and its own symphony orchestra (90 people), which continuously toured the country. In large cities, the "department of holidays" had its own stages and traveling theatrical troupes; numerous mobile film installations reached the most remote corners of Germany. For workers, tickets to concerts and the theater were subsidized by the KDF (a ticket to the Berlin Opera for a worker cost 1 Reichsmark). Funds for the subsidy came from the DAF, the richest public organization in the Third Reich. In 1934-1942. KDF spent 240 million Reichsmarks.

Participation in the KDF programs was voluntary, due to its huge popularity. Until 1939, more than 7 million Germans took part in the KDF tourist programs; another 35 million - in picnics organized by the KDF; in 1938 alone, the KDF staged 140,000 skit performances for 50 million spectators. The KDF even organized trips for workers to the Bayreuth Wagner Music Festival. A week's stay on a KDF ticket (three concerts, accommodation, meals) cost 65 Reichsmarks, which was quite affordable common man. An educational day trip to the "German Paris" - Leipzig - cost 4.5 Reichsmarks, including train, lunch, city plan and exhibition schedule. In 1934, within the framework of the DAF organization "Strength through Joy", 2 million people went on tourist tours, in 1935 - 3 million, in 1936 - 6 million, in 1937 - 9 million people. Until the beginning of 1938, 384 sea voyages (490,000 participants) and 60,000 other voyages (19 million participants) were registered. Even before the start of the war, in 1939, 7,287,715 Germans participated in 76,106 trips and travels, 20,895,402 Germans took part in 1,017,243 sports competitions. The political activity of the KDF (and the DAF in general) in the field of leisure was efficient and effective: in 1934, 2.3 million Germans took part in vacation trips, in 1938 - 10.3 million, and immediately before the war, everyone was covered by the activities of the KDF the second German - there were 54.6 million participants in various KDF events. Not least thanks to the DAF, Hitler was able to enlist the support of the most qualified, hardworking and disciplined in Western world working class.
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FINDINGS

So, at the heart of Nazism lay real social dynamics; maintaining and maintaining this dynamic was of fundamental importance for Hitler, and he is ready to make many sacrifices in order to achieve a qualitatively higher social level development of German society in peacetime and a NOT TOO SIGNIFICANT drop in the social sphere during the war.

The beginning of World War II on September 1, 1939, did NOT become a date for the Germans that marks a change for the worse in the social sphere. The reason is that after the outbreak of the war (1939), the Nazi state tried not to subject the population to unnecessary overloads, and at the first stage of the war, its influence on the German population, both in public and in private life, was IMPLIED. Hitler did not cancel such a "sparing" installation even when there was a real need and the need for tough measures. It should be noted that in democratic England the mobilization of people and resources turned out to be more radical than in the Third Reich. The Nazi leadership did not want to take radical measures in the labor market: no decisive measures were taken even for the regrouping of labor resources necessary at the end of the war. The measures taken in the end (the selection of skilled workers from non-military enterprises, the closure of handicraft enterprises, etc.) were insufficient and did not meet the growing needs of the war economy.

Hitler did not want to increase the hardships of the population, and thanks to his efforts, the war almost did not change either the standard of living, or the state of supply, or the labor market, or the achieved level of social security, or labor legislation. It is noteworthy that the 8-hour working day remained unchanged, although at the expense of additionally paid overtime work the length of the working week increased, and vacations and holidays were somewhat reduced. After the outbreak of the war, holidays were canceled, but in November 1939 the ban on holidays was lifted. IN initial period wars sometimes declared Sunday a working day. On September 4, 1939, instead of a general reduction in wages, only its freezing followed, and the delay in all kinds of additional payments and holidays was canceled two months later. What remained of specific military measures in the socio-economic sphere were high taxes on alcohol, cigarettes, theater tickets and travel to public transport. By 1942, the income tax had almost doubled compared to 1939, but private savings of citizens grew and quadrupled from 1938 to 1941, amounting to 44.6 billion Reichsmarks. The slogan called for the saving of funds (and, consequently, the financing of military expenditures): "to save during the war - to build after the war"; He tempted the German layman with the prospect of having his own house after the war.

The failure of the concept of blitzkrieg meant the beginning of total war. Hitler did not plan; it became an improvisation that upset the system of social guarantees, in which so many hopes were originally placed, and which was seen as a reliable framework for the regime. In accordance with Speer's plans, from the autumn of 1943 the German production of consumer goods was to be radically reduced, but this did not happen, or for political reasons it was not carried out to the end. Therefore, the phrase "total war" had rather a propaganda meaning for most Germans until the beginning of 1945, when the Allies began hostilities on German territory. The Soviet Union, by contrast, waged an all-out war from the very beginning; She became the main reason for our victory.

In conclusion, it must be stated that the loss of freedom was more than compensated in the Third Reich by social equality and prosperity (or the prospect of such), moreover, for the majority of Germans, the elimination of social need meant incomparably more than freedom. It can be said that the German people were intoxicated with the ideal of a national community, socialism, whose theoreticians themselves believed and tried to convince the Germans that the centuries-old German disunity and democratic party selfishness were replaced by the loyalty and discipline of a single nation, the well-being of which is the main concern of the Fuhrer.

The impact of the war on the level of prices and incomes, on the level of supply, on the labor market and working conditions was insignificant compared to the first world war. Social peace was indestructible, and only the offensive of the Allies destroyed the internal order in the Third Reich. Nazi social policy to the very end only strengthened the will of the Germans to resist and consolidate during the war.

“I do not measure the success of our work in the creation of new streets. I do not measure it by our new factories and new bridges that we build, as well as by the divisions that we can mobilize. On the contrary, at the center of the judgment of the success of this work is the German child , German youth. Only when the conditions for their growth and development are created, I can be firmly convinced that my people will not disappear, and, therefore, our work will not be in vain. "

Gustrow, Railways Third Reich

Every country has its own history. In the history of every nation there are episodes that its representatives are proud of, which are immortalized in metal and stone, about which national poets composed their odes, which will be admired and inspired by many more generations of people who identify themselves with this people. However, it is difficult to imagine a country whose history would consist solely of such bright moments. Each state will have periods that cause a feeling of regret and bitterness, or even those that people generally try not to remember. I think that if in this context we are talking about Germany, no one has the slightest hesitation as to which pages of history can be assigned to this second category. The times of National Socialism and the Second World War- a part of German history, which, even with great desire, cannot be denied. And how do modern Germans look at the affairs of seventy years ago?

Let's start with the fact that time, as a historical or philosophical category, is not the same as time in human perception. For history, the seventy years that have passed since the events described are nothing, for people it is the life of a whole generation. The bad is forgotten quickly, especially if you want to forget this bad. In principle, modern Germans might well not remember what happened there in the thirties and forties of the last century. And yet, this does not happen. The next generation does not forget about what happened, the previous generation takes care. This is the great wisdom of the Germans: in order to avoid mistakes in the present, it is necessary to remember the mistakes of the past.

The wisdom of the Germans also lies in the fact that they keep the memory of the dark period of their history calmly, without falling into hysteria of excessive repentance, they do not play the fool, engaging in self-flagellation. They practice a reasonable, measured, if you will, constructive approach to their past. It is precisely such a low-emotional pragmatic approach to history that will allow modern German society to be one of the most tolerant societies in Europe (of course, Germany also has its own problems in this regard, but much less than in other EU countries or, say, in Russia)

Not to let people forget the unpleasant, to put it mildly, episodes of their past is one of the important tasks that government and public organizations Germany, as well as independent media. So, for example, very often you can see historical programs on German television dedicated to the times of National Socialism and the years of the Second World War. German museums host relevant exhibitions such as "Hitler and the Germans" (Historical Museum in Berlin), "The Police of the Third Reich" (Historical Museum in Berlin), "History in Conflict: The Ideological Use of Art 1937-1955" (Dom art in Munich), etc.

At the same time, the material is presented to the viewer calmly, historically authentic, without any distortion, both in the direction of justifying the Germans of that time, and in the direction of an unconditional renunciation of their history. “Yes, this is our history, we are not proud of it, we condemn and do not accept what we have done, but we are not going to fall into hysterics about this either. What is done is done. There is no way back. But we have learned the lessons for the present and the future” is the message of the cultural and social events dedicated to that era.

By the way, there are quite a few and rather evil jokes about Hitler and his associates. On German television you can sometimes see

Street art in Leipzig

satirical sketches on the subject. They ridicule, among other things, the National Socialist symbols. The use of the swastika by political and public organizations is prohibited in Germany. But in such satirical programs it is quite possible to see this symbol. So the common opinion among Russians (and maybe not only) that in Germany the image of the swastika is prohibited in any form and in any context is erroneous.

However, one should not think that the Germans, having pragmatically learned the lessons of history, never felt guilty about the past. On the contrary, in German there is even such a thing as Schuldgefühl (lit. guilt), which reflects exactly the remorse for the deed during the time of National Socialism. Of course, to the greatest extent this feeling was inherent in the post-war generation. Now it is gradually disappearing.

The government, the media, public organizations are, of course, good. But it is interesting to find out how ordinary Germans relate to their history. I must say frankly, I never deliberately talked about these topics with the Germans - and did not notice that they were striving for this. If the topic came up, it was by chance in a conversation about something else. When it did come up, it usually sounded something like this:

A young German explains to me that calling the Czech Republic - die Tschechei in modern German is not accepted: “... we call this country Tschechien. We don’t say die Tschechei now, because that’s what they called her…” – embarrassment – “during the time of Hitler” (by the way, he was wrong, I heard it was die Tschechei from other Germans many times)

Fifty-year-old German: “This is the city of Pasewalk. In it, during the First World War, he was treated in the infirmary ... "- embarrassment, then in a low voice - "... well, uh, Hitler"

In general, although the Germans try not to mention Hitler's He-Who-Must-Not-Be-Named in Adolf's speech, they talk calmly about the times of war. More or less like this:

“I finished eight classes. Yes, what is it higher education. It was right after the war. It was necessary to restore the country ... "

or even so

“... Somewhere between Peterhof and Leningrad, our unit was stationed ...”

And sometimes you can hear such strange statements:

An eighty-three-year-old German: “Americans are generally an abnormal nation. What have they done to my beautiful Dresden!” (meaning, of course, the famous bombing of this city).

I note from myself, Dresden and Dresden, of course, it's a pity, but it was a war. And not unleashed by the Americans.

NPD campaign poster

Of course, speaking of a calm attitude to the past, I mean ordinary citizens who are not members of radical right-wing organizations, the presence of which in Germany is also difficult to deny. So, in the north of the country, in the provinces, the NPD party is strong - extreme nationalists, almost neo-Nazis. In Berlin and other large cities, they are fighting against them, trying to ban them by constitutional means. But the entire Mecklenburg-Vorpommern was hung before the elections to the local parliament with posters of this party: Grenze dicht zu polnischen Kriminellen! (Close the border to Polish crime) Ausländer raus! (Foreigners, get out of the country! - for the sake of truth, it’s worth adding that in small letters, almost invisible from a distance, it was written on top - criminal). In general, playing on the field of national hostility and some kind of mythical revenge of the German people (although it is not clear to whom, Germany is the leading economy in Europe), the NPD receives some votes in the provinces. In big cities, on the contrary, it is not uncommon to see posters against neo-Nazism or messages on the doors of hostels, for example, in Dresden, bluntly saying that the Nazis do not belong here.

Perhaps the hostility of the German people to National Socialism is expressed in an emotional form - a form of extreme contempt, expressed in Nuremberg. Here is (from which Hitler spoke): the territory in front of it has long been overgrown with weeds, the tribune itself is gradually crumbling (part of it was blown up back in the 1960s), and the space directly

Nuremberg, Zeppelin tribune

in front of it is reserved for truck parking.

In general, it can be said that the attitude of individual Germans towards their past is as calm and balanced as that of German public and political institutions. To date, German society has managed to come to a state of harmony, when the lessons of history have been learned and not forgotten, and the feeling of guilt no longer overshadows the existence of modern Germans.